Wuhsha al-dallala

Legal document concerning the illegitimate descendance of Abu Saʽd, son of Wusha al-dallala; part of the Cairo Geniza, Cambridge Digital Library

Wuhsha al-dallala (born Karima bint Ammar; fl. 11th century) was a Jewish-Egyptian businesswoman and pawnbroker active in Fustat. Her existence is attested solely by a series of documents preserved in the Cairo Geniza, she is thus the only woman whose biography could be comprehensively reconstructed from these records.

Wuhsha belonged to a banking family of moderate wealth and was briefly married to Arye ben Judah, a destitute Sicilian immigrant, resulting in the birth of a daughter. Choosing not to remarry after her divorce, Wuhsha later formed a relationship with Hassun of Ashkelon, with whom she had a son, Abu Saʽd. The unconventional birth of Abu Saʽd brought social repercussions, including Wuhsha’s expulsion from her synagogue during Yom Kippur. However, she was not completely ostracised and maintained her career, amassing a fortune of at least 700 dinars.

Her will, penned by her friend, the cantor Hillel ben Eli, provides the most insight into her life, outlining her funeral arrangements in detail, from her burial attire to payments for pallbearers, alongside generous charitable bequests and the distribution of her estate among her son and relatives. Long after her death, court documents would continue to identify individuals as “al-Wuhsha’s relative.” Her expressions of independence and defiance of societal norms, uncharacteristic for the time, have established her among historians as exemplary of female individuality in the Cairo Geniza.

Name and sources

The life of Wuhsha al-dallala is documented solely through the Cairo Geniza, a vast collection of Jewish-Egyptian manuscripts spanning the 6th to 19th centuries.^[1] Five primary documents revolve around her life and she appears minutely in other texts, making her the only woman from the Geniza whose biography can be substantially reconstructed.^[1][2] Her existence was first noted by German-Jewish historian Shelomo Dov Goitein in 1964, through a document dated April 1098 that criticised her absence in the court despite a summons.^[3] Goitein later identified her will, drafted by the renowned clerk Hillel ben Eli.^[4]

A record of the rabbinical court in Old Cairo from 1097/8, gives her full name as 'Karima bint Ammar, known as Wuhsha al-dallala'.^[5] The honorific Wuhsha al-dallala derives from the Arabic root wḥš and can be vocalised in two ways: wuḥsha and waḥsha.^[6] Goitein interpreted wuḥsha as a term of endearment, translating it as 'one without whom one feels lonely' or 'object of yearning'.^[7][8] Conversely, Mordechai Friedman, scholar of Jewish history, suggested that waḥsha could denote "loneliness," "estrangement," "coldness," or "untamed," favouring the latter as most likely.^[6] The title al-dallala signifies her profession as a pawnbroker.^[2]

Reconstructed biography

Personal relations

Overview of the ruins of Fustat in 1865, some thirty years before Solomon Schechter's discovery of the Geniza site. Photograph taken by Théodule Devéria, a French Egyptologist.

In a record of charity contributors, Wuhsha is listed immediately before Ammar, the son of Rosh ha-Qahal (Head of the Congregation), who is later identified in a 1093 document as Amram, son of Ezra, the Rosh ha-Qahal.^[8][a] Amram, likely her father, was a prominent banker in Alexandria.^[2] He had five children, three daughters and two sons and the family lived in Fustat, a previous capital of Egypt before the construction of Cairo.^[2] He was recorded as deceased by June 1104.^[10]

The earliest documentation of Wuhsha al-dallala in the Cairo Geniza is her marriage contract with Arye ben Judah, a destitute Sicilian immigrant.^[11][2] The document lists her dowry at 316 dinars, a figure Goitein deemed inflated upon reviewing the listed items, estimating a more accurate value of 150 dinars. Goitein concludes that Wuhsha's family maintained a comfortable yet modest financial standing, considering the fact that they were responsible for providing for three daughters.^[10] Arye himself only offered a marriage gift of 10 dinars, with an additional 15 dinars promised in deferred payments.^[10] The date of the marriage is unknown,^[12] but Jewish historian Renée Levine Melammed suggests it occurred after Wuhsha’s family relocated to Fustat.^[13] While the rationale for this union is unclear, Goitein hypothesised that exceptional circumstances, possibly Wuhsha’s reputation for independence, may have influenced the arrangement.^[10]

The marriage was short-lived, and within a few years, Wuhsha is described in another document as Arye’s divorcée.^[14] Historians Miriam Frenkel, Delia Cortese, and Simonetta Calderini date the official end of the marriage to January 1095.^[2][15] However, Goitein considered the date to pertain to a second failed marriage of Arye.^[10] From Arye, Wuhsha had a daughter named Sitt Ghazal (Lady Gazelle),^[b] whose name is absent from Wuhsha’s will.^[13] Sitt Ghazal appears in a document dated December 1132, which records her acquisition of half a house. In this document, the presiding judge prominently identified her as “Bint al-Wuhsha” (daughter of Wuhsha) in bold script, since this was the name by which she was commonly known.^[10]

After separating from Arye, Wuhsha did not remarry. A short time after her divorce, she gave birth to a son, Abu Saʽd, whose father was her lover, Hasun, a refugee of Ashkelon. Contemporary records do not mention Hasun’s name, and the birth of Abu Saʽd was described as irregular.^[12][2] As a result of this, the president of the Iraqi synagogue publicly humiliated her by expelling her from the synagogue during Yom Kippur.^[17] Concerned that her son might be excluded from the Jewish community, and thereby prevented from contracting a lawful Jewish marriage,^[13] Wuhsha arranged circumstances that enabled witnesses to confirm the paternity of Abu Saʽd.^[18]

Wuhsha's ruse is described in a Jewish court document, conducted after her death and pertaining to an adult Abu Saʽd’s efforts to affirm that his birth resulted from an irregular but non-incestuous relationship.^[19] According to the testimony of Hillel ben Eli, a trusted confidant of Wuhsha and the scribe responsible for drafting both her marriage contract and her will, she disclosed to him that she was pregnant with Hasun’s child. She further confided that, although she and Hasun had formalised their union before a Muslim notary, she was afraid that Hasun might deny paternity.^[c] Hillel counselled her to orchestrate a scenario in which witnesses could verify her relationship with Hasun, advising her to 'gather some people, and let them surprise you with him so that your assertion might be confirmed'.^[18] Therefore she had two neighbours surprise Hasun while in intimate proximity with her, thus confirming that her future child was conceived from him.^[2]

Several documents from the early twelfth century mention relatives of Wuhsha.^[21] For instance, in July 1150, a woman identified as “the daughter of the daughter of al-Wuhsha” arranged for repairs to her residence in Cairo.^[10] Other cases include documents from 1133 and 1148, wherein individuals are identified by their connection to her as "al-Wuhsha's relative" or "al-Wuhsha's sister's son".^[22][23]

Business endeavours

A court proceeding record for the case of Wuhsha al-dallala versus Joseph al-Lebdi, transcribed by Halfon ben Manasseh, Cairo Geniza, Cambridge Digital Library

Wuhsha’s will indicates that she possessed a minimum of 700 dinars. She participated in significant commercial enterprises, collaborating with her brother, Abu Nasr^[d], an India trader, as well as other merchants, both male and female.^[2] Her primary economic pursuit, however, was pawnbroking, providing loans against collateral. Her professional success notably increased following her divorce from Arye.^[25] According to Goitein, Wuhsha’s affluent wealth was remarkable for her time, as most female pawnbrokers in her era were impoverished.^[26]

In the summer of 1101, Abu Nasr was murdered at the port of ʽAydhab while returning from a trading venture in India, undertaken in collaboration with two other merchants, Farah—who was also killed—and Joseph al-Lebdi, a trader from Tripoli.^[6] Subsequently, Wuhsha and Lebdi came to a dispute over the fate of Abu Nasr's investment in Lebdi's goods and the matter was the subject of a legal proceeding in Fustat, dated 30 June 1104. Represented by Moshe ben Yeshua, Wuhsha demanded a share of 300 dinars from the goods already sold, itself part of a total investment valued at 800 dinars initially made by Abu Nasr. Lebdi argued that the 300 dinars were unrelated to the partnership but expressed willingness to account for them if Wuhsha would similarly include 22 bales of lac, which her representative asserted were part of a distinct transaction and not the partnership involving 800 dinars.^[27]

Neither party could substantiate their claims with evidence.^[28] The case was overseen by two jurisconsults, known as the Judge and the Rayyis (headman), who held conflicting views, with the Judge favouring Lebdi and the Rayyis supporting Wuhsha. Initially, the Judge ruled in Lebdi’s favor, prompting criticism from the Rayyis. This disagreement escalated into a prolonged literary dispute marked by continuous rebuttals and critiques.^[28] Consequently, the case evolved into an extended and complex litigation that engaged the Fustat court for several years.^[2]

Wuhsha's will

According to Goitien, Wuhsha’s will stands out as the most detailed source of information regarding her circumstances.^[26] Drafted in Arabic by Hillel ben Eli at the close of the eleventh century^[13] and, according to Frenkel, shortly after Abu Saʽd's birth,^[25] the will meticulously outlines the distribution of her substantial assets. These included 300 dinars “in gold” and kept by her at home, 67 on deposit, and the rest in loan collaterals.^[29] Wuhsha allocated significant sums for charitable purposes, including twenty-five dinars for the cemetery, twenty-five dinars for synagogue maintenance (specifically for oil used in lighting), and twenty dinars for the impoverished of Fustat.^[30][e] Among these donations was a sum designated for the same synagogue that expelled her on Yom Kippur—perhaps a sign of having the final say, as it is unlikely that her donation would have been rejected.^[22] Cohen posits that these lavish donations were intended as acts of atonement, while Goitein considers them a demonstration of Wuhsha's display of prominence and virtue to other members of the community.^[30][32] Additionally, Wuhsha carefully specified her funeral arrangements, designating funds for each element of her burial attire—comprising a shroud, cloak, cap, hood, kerchief, veil, cover, and coffin—as well as compensation for the pallbearers, whom she noted would “walk a great distance."^[33]

For Abu Saʽd, Wuhsha left her estate along with provisions for his religious education. She appointed an acquaintance specilised in the Bible to reside in her estate and instruct Abu Saʽd in the Bible and prayer book, however, she also sat a limit to the extent of his tuition to prevent her son from 'becoming a scholar'.^[34][f] Among her siblings, Wuhsha allocated 100 dinars to her surviving brother, while her two sisters received 50 and 10 dinars, respectively.^[g] Goitein suggests this distribution reflects the influence of the surrounding Muslim culture, where a female’s inheritance was typically half that of a male.^[32] Furthermore, Wuhsha provided luxurious gifts for her relatives, including funds to support her sister’s bridal attire and granting her bed to a cousin.^[36][29] Yet, she excluded her daughter, Sitt Ghazal, from the will, possibly due to estrangement following Ghazal’s marriage, which led to her disinheritance.^[26] Finally, she wrote of Hassun: "not one penny should be given", but she cancelled his considerable debt of 80 dinars to her, returning two promissory notes to him along with a gift of 10 dinars.^[22]

The extensive will concludes with a statement that three documents in Arabic, outlining al-Wuhsha’s assets, liabilities, and the corresponding actions to be taken, were dictated and authorised by her.^[19]

Legacy

According to Goitein, Wuhsha’s life stands out as a notable example of female individuality within the Cairo Geniza documents.^[37] Despite her flourishing career as a pawnbroker and merchant, Wuhsha remained an outsider in the community's social fabric.^[38] As a foreigner in Fustat, Wuhsha associated herself with foreigners in her personal relations and deliberately operated outside the societal ethical norms;^[23][38] for instance, her conscious choice to remain unmarried after her divorce and engaging in an affair that resulted in an heir.^[4][23] She was also assertive in delegating herself as her brother's heir upon his death, challenging the Jewish inheritance law that granted exclusive rights to her surviving brother as the inheritor.^[39]

Melammed describes the community’s perception of Wuhsha as 'complex'; although she faced expulsion from the synagogue, this did not equate to full excommunication or social ostracism. She sustained meaningful connections with influential synagogue members, and used these relationships for support.^[4] On the other hand, the birth of a son out of wedlock showcased that Wuhsha's surrounding society was heavily mindful of a child's legal paternity, contrary to the rullings of the Medieval Rabbinite law (which approached fornication with a relaxed treatement, even stating that a child of such union should not bear any stigma).^[40]

Family tree

Ezra the Rosh ha-Qahal

Amram

Abu Nasr (Joseph?)

Karima, Wuhsha al-dallala

Son

Sibah

Daughter

Sitt Ghazal

Abu Saʽd

References

Notes

1. Amram was the Hebrew equivalent of the Arabic Ammar.^[8] The title of his father, by the time of their era, bore no more than an honorary status; according to Goitein, the rank of Rosh ha-Qahal was originally a successor to the ancient Rosh ha-Knesset (head of the synagogue) and it designated a leader of the congregation, however, during the Geniza period, the title lost its authority and functionality to Chaver and Muqaddam and consequently became devoid of administrative power.^[9]
2. The Arabic term sitt, meaning 'mistress'; 'female ruler', was employed as an honorific title prefixed to a woman’s name, gradually transitioning into a given name bestowed upon girls at birth. This naming convention was widespread in the nomenclature found within the Geniza, endowing its bearers with an aura of authority or leadership. In practice, the honorific, sitt was often omitted, leading to abbreviated personal names. For instance, the name ‘Amaim, derived from Sitt al-‘Amaim ("She Who Governs the Turbans," or, having authority over men), Baghdad, from Sitt al-Baghdad ("Mistress of Baghdad"), and Tujjar, the name of the mother of the prominent Muslim scholar Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, shortened from Sitt al-Tujjar ("Mistress of Merchants").^[16]
3. According to Goitein, Hasun was married to a wife in Ashkelon. The Jewish court in Fustat, prohibited him from taking a second wife without the explicit consent of his first wife, who, it is reasonable to infer, withheld such permission. Consequently, Hasun was unable to conduct a Jewish marriage with Wuhsha.^[19] He furthermore rejected the notion of an Islamic marriage between Wuhsha and Hasun, arguing that Wuhsha lied to Hillel in order to preserve her dignity. Had they been married in accordance to the sharia, Hasun would have been entitled to an automatic share of her inheritance upon her death, since under the Islamic law a legal heir cannot be disinherited, whereas Wuhsha’s will explicitly prohibited Hasun from receiving any portion of her estate.^[4][20]
4. An Arabic kunya (honorific designation) meaning "victor". His real name may have been Joseph, and Goitein suspects this because Joseph is reported dead in Wuhsha's will, in which Wuhsha dedicates 5 dinnars to his widowed wife as an act of charity.^[24]
5. Wuhsha also dedicated two dinars to an orphan girl in Cairo whom she stated was related to her family, though she could not recall her name.^[31]
6. According to Robert I. Burns, Wuhsha's apprehension regarding Abu Saʽd's education suggests that the boy held the legal status of a mamzer.^[29]
7. The latter sister may have been of another mother or had already received a substantial amount for her dowry.^[32] Meanwhile, the former sister, Sibah, received only money and no items.^[35]

Citations

1. Goitein 1999, p. 346–347.
2. Frenkel 2010.
3. Melammed 2015, p. 65.
4. Melammed 2015, p. 66.
5. Goitein 1967, p. 226-227.
6. Goitein & Friedman 2008, p. 237.
7. Goitein 1999, p. 346.
8. Goitein 1967, p. 226.
9. Cohen 2021a, pp. 79–80.
10. Goitein 1999, p. 347.
11. Taitz, Henry & Tallan 2003, p. 59.
12. Taitz, Henry & Tallan 2003, p. 60.
13. Melammed 2007, p. 249.
14. Taitz, Henry & Tallan 2003, p. 59-60.
15. Cortese & Calderini 2006, p. 190.
16. Goitein 1999, p. 316, 498.
17. Melammed 2015, p. 66-67.
18. Zinger 2023, p. 391.
19. Goitein 1999, p. 350.
20. Goitein 1999, p. 351.
21. Goitein 1967, p. 239.
22. Baskin 2018, p. 93.
23. Goitein 1999, p. 352.
24. Goitein 1999, p. 505.
25. Frenkel 2009, p. 363.
26. Goitein 1999, p. 348.
27. Goitein & Friedman 2008, p. 241.
28. Goitein & Friedman 2008, p. 245.
29. Burns 2021, p. 128.
30. Cohen 2005, p. 196.
31. Frenkel 2021a, p. 148.
32. Goitein 1967, p. 233.
33. Melammed 2009, p. 98.
34. Goitein 1999, p. 349-350.
35. Melammed 2009, p. 97.
36. Goitein 1999, p. 349.
37. Goitein 1999, p. 227.
38. Frenkel 2009, p. 364.
39. Goitein & Friedman 2008, p. 244.
40. Krakowski 2019, p. 184.

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