Reactions to the Mishima Incident

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The Reactions to the Mishima Incident explains the main reactions to the Mishima Incident. The incident caused a great shock to various people, and numerous reactions from newspapers, political activists, cultural figures, and writers were reported.

Reactions

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Newspaper and Magazine articles

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The tone of the Japanese major newspapers on the Mishima incident - the Yomiuri Shimbun, the Asahi Shimbun, and the Mainichi Shimbun - was almost similar with the comments made by Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone and Prime Minister Eisaku Satō on the day, writing about Mishima's actions as an act of madness and that anti-democratic behavior was absolutely unacceptable.[1][2]

An editorial in the Asahi Shimbun stated that what governed Mishima's actions was probably "his intense and unique aesthetic sense, rather than any political thinking," and criticized him, saying, "Even if we can understand his philosophy, his actions should never be condoned."[3][4]

An editorial in the Mainichi Shimbun called the incident "nothing short of sheer madness," and concluded, "No matter how pure his ideas were and how valuable they may have been, anti-democratic behavior that does not follow legitimate rules is absolutely unacceptable."[3] Telegraphs reporting reactions from cities outside Japan, reported by the Mainichi Shimbun, included "fears of a revival of militarism" from Washington, "concerns that it will provoke right-wingers" from London, and "shock at the actions of a well-known figure" from Paris.[5]

An editorial in the American The Christian Science Monitor stated, "It is difficult to see Mishima's suicide as a sign of the revival of Japanese militarism. Nevertheless, the meaning of Mishima's suicide is so significant that it corresponds careful consideration."[6]

The British Financial Times stated, "Whether mad or sane, the role model he set will have a powerful influence on a small number of Japan's young people, now and for the future."[6]

The German Die Welt reported that "he committed hara-kiri which martyring for the purity of his poetic spirit."[6] French L'Express reported that "He committed seppuku, calling for Japan's current worrying state to be restored to its former state."[6] Le Monde stated that "Mishima's suicide was for an indictment of hypocrisy."[6]

The Australian Australian Financial Review stated that "To link Mishima's death to the ultra-nationalism and the organized crime groups (yakuza) (暴力団, bōryokudan) that are common in Japan is not just a misunderstanding of Mishima, but a misunderstanding of modern Japan as well," and that "the tragedy that led to his death, in which he pursued true beauty in the structural conflict between traditional Japanese culture and modern society, is constructed to a level of perfection, just like his own works."[6][7]

According to Takehiko Noguchi (野口武彦), an intellectual history researcher, who was in Massachusetts when the Mishima Incident occurred, the reaction in the Massachusetts local newspapers was largely one of deride as an act of "madness," because of the prevalence of psychoanalysis in nature of the locality, and even university scholars who were known to be knowledgeable about Japan, tended to talk about the meaning of Mishima's death solely as a "psychological abnormality" or "pathological problem," like the general public, to separate it from any social context.[8] About that Noguchi has said that he felt it was different from the Japanese habit of relating the meaning of the suicide of others to the living side.[8][a]

In public opinion on the Mishima incident in various media at the time, such as Japanese television and weekly magazines, ranged from "the desperate act of a patriot" to "counterrevolutionary terrorism," and those who refused to engage in such evaluation from the start or were bored with it commented him as having "reached his limits as a writer" or "the completion of Mishima's aesthetics,"[9] while the even more lazy ones preached the "madness" theory, desperately trying to place him outside the realm of everyday social norms,[9][10] some tried to link Mishima's homosexuality to the incident.[11][12]

CIA

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On November 27, two days after Mishima's suicide, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) wrote a secret report predicted, "Yukio Mishima has committed a fierce suicide. Although the right-wing forces in Japan are small, Mishima will be their first martyr since the war," and continued with as follows:[13] This report was made first public in August 2003.[13]

As fears of a revival of Japanese militarism grow in Asia, the government seems to be trying in every way to downplay the significance of Mishima's dramatic act. Prime Minister Satō was quick to condemn Mishima's suicide, calling it "I can only think that he has gone mad," and the media seemed to support this view. The government plans to be more vigilant against a variety of small but unpredictable far-right groups. These right-wingers may be inspired by Mishima's suicide to commit violent acts, but the political influence of the far-right in Japan is limited, so the main threat foreseen in the future seems to be limited acts of terrorism or suicide.

— CIA, Report on November 27, 1970[13]

JSDF and Ministry of Defense

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On November 26, the day after the incident, a bouquet of chrysanthemums was quietly placed in front of the Commandant General's office, but within an hour it was removed by senior officers.[14][15] After the incident, a survey (randomly selected 1,000 people) was conducted among the Ground Self-Defense Forces in Tokyo and its suburbs, and the majority of personnel answered that they "sympathized with the ideas in the Geki."[14][15] Some also answered that they "strongly sympathized with it," causing a fluster at the Ministry of Defense.[6][14]

When the police questioned young senior officers of the JGSDF who had been on friendly terms with Mishima, they found that more of them than expected sympathized with Mishima and were seriously thinking about Japan's defense issues.[16][17] Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝), who had lectured Mishima and the members of Tatenokai on guerrilla tactics, was also questioned, but because the police authorities decided to treat the incident as simply a case of mob intrusion, Colonel Yamamoto was not called to court.[16][17][b]

On December 22, the Lieutenant General Kanetoshi Mashita (益田兼利), Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army, took full responsibility for the incident and resigned from his post.[20] When the process of this decision, General Mashita and the Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone negotiated.[21][22] According to Major Katsumi Terao (寺尾克美), one of the injured persons of the Mishima Incident, the tape recording of that time shows Nakasone saying, "I have a future. The Commander-in-Chief has reached the pinnacle of rank, so if you take full responsibility, the matter will be closed," and "I'll raise the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army's salary by two pay grades..." (meaning to increase the base amount for calculating retirement benefits and increase retirement benefits).[21][22][c]

One years after the incident, a memorial monument was quietly erected in front of the 2nd company corps at the Camp Takigahara of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Fuji School (陸上自衛隊富士学校, Rikujō jieitai Fuji gakkō) in Camp Fuji, where the Mishima and the Tatenokai enlisted for a trial period.[23][24] Inscribed on the monument is a tanka poem by Mishima:[23][24]

深き夜に　暁告ぐる　くたかけの　若きを率てぞ　越ゆる峯々

(Fukaki yo ni　Akatsuki tuguru　Kutakake no　Wakaki wo hikite zo　Koyuru Minemine)

In the deep night, / A rooster cry out / To announce of dawn, / I lead my young men / Across the mountains.

— 公威 (Kimitake)[25][23][24]

Masamichi Inoki (猪木正道), the third president of the National Defense Academy of Japan, who had once dialogued about the Anpo problem with Mishima in 1969, criticized as regards Mishima's Geki, saying, "It is an unruly ideology that intend to transforming the JSDF's Public Security Operation for protect public order, into a coup d'état to destroy public order, and there is no other way of thinking that is more insulting to the JSDF." in 1972, two years after the incident.[26]

In the fall of 1973, three years after the incident, the Ministry of Defense's Internal Bureau (内局, nai-kyoku) added the phrase "comply with the Constitution of Japan and laws and regulations." to the oath of office for JSDF personnel.[27] Until then, this phrase had only been included in the oath of office for general national civil servants (国家公務員, kokka kōmuin) (police officers, etc.), and there had been hesitation to include "comply with the Constitution of Japan" in the oath of office for the JSDF personnel, because a straight reading of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution would make it to interpret the existence of the JSDF as "Unconstitutional".[27] However, the Mishima Incident made it clear that the JSDF were a completely harmless safe organization, and it was judged that not a single officer would rebel if this wording was included, so it was decided to insert it.[27]

New Left

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A New Left group Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University, which had held a debate with Mishima in May 1969 (Debate: Yukio Mishima vs. Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University: Beauty, Community, and the Tokyo University Struggle (討論 三島由紀夫vs.東大全共闘―美と共同体と東大闘争, Tōron: Mishima Yukio vs. Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University: Bi to Kyōdōtai to Todai Ronsō)), expressed their condolences with a banner reading "In Memory of Yukio Mishima" at the Komaba campus,[28][29] and Kyoto University and other schools also paid tribute with banners reading "In Memory of Yukio Mishima's Seppuku."[28]

Osamu Takita (滝田修), leader of the Kyoto University Partisan group (京大パルチザン, Kyoto paruchizan), commented, "It was an ideological defeat for us leftists. We didn't have a single person who was willing to put his body on the line like that. It was a shock. The New Left needs to create many more 'Mishimas'."[28][30]

An executive staff of a leading New Left faction emphasized the difference between Mishima and himself, saying, "We go with the 'philosophy of life' as opposed to Mishima's 'aesthetics of death.' It's not that you can accomplish anything by dying. But it's not that we avoid dying. When we die, we die by being killed."[28]

Chiren Misawa (見沢知廉), a New Leftist, moved by the Mishima Incident, when he told a senior members of the leadership team about it, he was retorted, "That was a farce."[31] He became angry and thought, "How can they call something that people risked their lives a farce? They don't understand the human heart," disappointed in his leaders, he became New Rightist.[31][d]

According to Tomofusa Kure (呉智英), a critic, who had participated in the activities of the Zenkyōtō at the time, some left-wing people, shocked to Mishima and four members of the Tatenokai's "seriousness", described it using words like "eerie," "ugly," and "fear."[32]

Right Wing

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Tomeo Sagōya (佐郷屋留雄) considered the actions of Mishima and the Tatenokai to be a "righteous act" (義挙, gikyo), commenting that it "opened the eyes of the Japanese people and opened a breakthrough for the Japanese restoration movement."[33] Michio Asanuma (浅沼美智雄) also praised Mishima's actions and Geki, saying that "the sincerity of patriotism that runs through the Geki is the very sanity of the nation."[33]

The Greater Japan Productive Party (大日本生産党, Dai nihon seisan-tō) stated that it "cannot accept in any way" the comments made by Minister of Defense Nakasone and Prime Minister Satō, and harshly criticized the Liberal Democratic Party for abandoning its goal of "Constitutional amendment" despite the party's platform explicitly stating that it has done so and for "consistently resting on its laurels in power since the end of the war, and had been preoccupied with partisan interests."[34] They also condemned the party, saying, "The party that is responsible for driving Mishima to his death lies none other than the government, the LDP."[34]

Writers and Cultural figures

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Many of Mishima's close friends and writers and critics who shared the same ideological lineage interpreted the Mishima Incident as a "committing suicide to remonstrate the government (諌死, Kanshi)."[35][36] Writers with different ideological leanings from Mishima also felt a deep respect for Mishima's integrity to provide fair literary criticism that transcended ideological differences, and many of them, like Yasunari Kawabata's comment at the scene, expressed pure lamentation over the loss of Mishima's rare talent,[37] also many of them, sympathized with Mishima's accomplishment of his romanticism and aesthetics.[36]

On the other hand, there were also critics such as Munemutsu Yamada (山田宗睦) person, who based on their ideological opposition and anti-Emperor stance, harshly criticized Mishima's actions as an "Anachronistic folly".[38][37] There were also many critical comments reflecting the general opinion of "Postwar cultural figures (戦後文化人, sengo bunkajin)" at the time, such as Hiroshi Noma, who was wary of Japan becoming militarized.[39][37]

Ryōtarō Shiba feared that "dingy imitators" would emerge who would copy Mishima's actions, and was opposed to giving Mishima's death any political significance, arguing that it should remain within the category of literary theory.[40][41] He also considered the mass sense of the JSDF personnel who heckled Mishima to be normal and healthy.[40][41][e]

Shō Shibata (柴田翔), who had shown respect to Mishima while he was alive and had approached him calling him "Teacher Mishima" (三島先生, Mishima Sensei), drastically changing his attitude after the incident,[43] and said, "I intuitively sensed his narcissism and it made me angry," and "I would like to ask young people, especially those of the New Left, not to be shaken up. It is time for each of us to take a step back and think carefully about which principle we owe it to: is self-destruction through the philosophy of death more important, or is it more important to continue living as a human being?"[44][45]

Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛), a scholar of French literature who was close to Mishima, said that Mishima, who had achieved status as a writer and had been blessed with a family, and who would have had a great chance of winning the Nobel Prize in Literature if he had lived, decided to cut all that off and act in this way as the meaning of "a warning to the flourishing mid-Shōwa period (昭和元禄, Shōwa-Genroku) with his death."[46][35]

Fusao Hayashi said that Mishima's death was a warning to the JSDF, calling for them to return to their original role as an "honorable National Army," and that his death was a "Death of Remonstration" (諌死, Kanshi) by "using his death to encourage them to self-reflection."[47][35] Also referring to a 1966 dialogue with Mishima, in which Mishima said that politicians only realize decades after the fact that poets and literary figures have predicted, Hayashi paid tribute to, saying, "the kanshi of Mishima and his young comrade are the first and the last, precious and effective self-sacrifices that will stop Japan's landslide itself, and will awaken the lazy slumber of the 'mentally old' who are resting on the big lies of the 'peace constitution' and the 'economic superpower', turning this beautiful – a country of Japan that should be beautiful into an ugly den of Economic animal and Free rider".[47][36]

Seiichi Funahashi mourned Mishima's death as a "Death of Indignation" (憤死, Funshi) and said of the meaning of his death, "I think this way. 'The extreme of expressive power leads to death.' No matter how much he tries to express himself, when his expressive power is blocked by a thick wall, he has no choice but to throw away his pen and die."[48][49]

Mari Mori was outraged by the remarks made by Prime Minister Eisaku Satō and Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone, commenting, "The Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense are saying that Yukio Mishima's suicide was an act of madness, but I would like to ask which one is the madman," and mentioned the postwar Japan, that is effectively a vassal state of the United States, unable to maintain its dignity, not treated as a "full-fledged nation," and not "treated with respect" in any negotiations,[f] and said the following:[52][53]

Who is insane: someone who is outraged and upset by this ridiculous state of the Japanese, or someone who accepts this ridiculous state of the Japanese with insensitive nerves and smiles peacefully? I cannot imagine that the nerves of a normal person can remain calm about the current state of Japan.

— Mari Mori, Which one is the Madman?[52][53]

Shigeharu Nakano said, "Both Eisaku Satō and Yasuhiro Nakasone seized the time by the forelock in this incident," and criticized Satō and Nakasone, and others for turning the Mishima Incident into "madness," and then using it as an opportunity for politicians to promote the impression in society that the JSDF is a rational and rational, non-violent group that does not violate common sense among citizens.[54][37]

Hideo Kobayashi said, "Right-wing partisanship has absolutely no connection to the spirit of him (Mishima), yet the incident tempts such words. Because the incident is viewed as a material thing, like an accident, the words attached to it are also treated as material things," and added that it is not easy for people who give various "commentaries" about and criticize the incident to "perceive and understand the incident as an abstract event."[55][56]

In fact, I think that they all unconsciously treat the incident as if it were an accident, materialistically. It goes without saying that the incident is deeply related to issues such as our country's history and traditions, but even so, the symbolism of this incident is the product of the individual historical experience of this literary figure (Mishima), who alone bore historical responsibility. If this were not the case, how could it have the power to move me, who is certainly a stranger and a loner?

— Hideo Kobayashi, Thoughts[55][56]

Ichirō Murakami (村上一郎), a poet and literary critic, criticized those who say that Mishima and Morita's deaths were in vain or pointless, offering the following rebuttal after introducing waka poems by an acquaintance that had arrived at his place:[57][58]

Those who say it was in vain, or they died like dogs, listen carefully. Many such poems of nobility are being written, inspired by the deaths of two gentlemen. If this trend could lead to works like the Man'yōshū and Shin Kokin Wakashū, while people are currently the most alienated in America, West Germany, and Japan, and therefore the countries with the greatest potential for the creation of the most beautiful poetry in the world. so, the deaths of two gentlemen will be the start of a great revolution in civilization that should be compared to a revolution greater than the Meiji Restoration. There is no way that their deaths were in vain.

— Ichirō Mrakami, To calm the Wild spirits (荒御魂, Ara Mitama)[57][58]

Bunzō Hashikawa (橋川文三), an intellectual historian and researcher of the Japan Romantic School (日本浪曼派, Nihon Rōman-ha), based on Mishima's psychological history from before the war, and associated the Mishima's "foolishly honest" death with the historical tradition of "Death in Madness" such as that of Hikokurō Taakayama, Shinpuren, Yasutake Yokoyama (横山安武) who was a Samurai of the Satsuma Domain, Saburō Aizawa, and also positioning the "Death in Madness" of Mishima to the same place such as that of "obscure terrorists" like Heigo Asahi (朝日平吾) who assassinated Zenjirō Yasuda and committed suicide on the spot, and Konichi Nakaoka (中岡艮一) who assassinated Takashi Hara.[59][60]

Yojurō Yasuda (保田與重郎), the leader of the Japan Romantic School, which had some influence on Mishima in his youth, commented, "The fact that young Morita's blade hesitated several times is proof of the beauty of his heart. It makes me even more sad because I feel he was a kind person."[61] He also said, "Mishima avoided killing anyone, and made precise arrangements for his own death, putting his heart and soul into it."[62][35]

Those who feared his incident called "madness", those who were anxious called it "violence," or "an impasse," or "banging his head against a wall. " As an incident beyond imagination or comparison, it sent a frightening and bloody impulse not only to Japan but to the whole world, so there is no other similar incident in recent history. Because identifying its uniqueness is accompanied by fear, those who unconsciously avoid it and judge it in political and typological terms are those who live in the self-preservation of the status quo, fearing the creativity, future potential, and revolutionary nature contained in it.

— Yojurō Yasuda, Heavenly showers in late autumn (時雨, Shigure)[62][63]

Hideo Nakai (中井英夫), who was close to Mishima, criticized the tendency to short-sighted treat Mishima's death as the behavior of an insane person, and people for viewing homosexuality, that Mishima chose as the main theme of his literature, through the lens of adult entertainment and making a fuss about him being "homo" or "agfay (オカマ, okama)", saying, "the person who died was not a pop singer or a movie star, but a writer who brought the richest and most fragrant fruits in the post-war period.", lamenting to tend of disregarding Mishima's inner self, "Are we living in an age where crude nerves and shallow thinking, which can be dismissed as simply 'the flip side of his inferiority complex,' are so prevalent?"[64][10]

Yumiko Kurahashi criticized that in response to writers who say that Mishima could have done better work if he had lived longer, or that he had reached a dead end in his literary work and resorted to the actions he did, they speak as if being writers or literary figures gave them some special qualification or existence (as if everything existed for the sake of literature), and said that she could well understand "Mishima's deep disgust at associating with his peers."[65]

It is fine to lament the loss of a rare literary talent, but saying that he could have written more good works if he had lived is as stingy as lamenting the death of a hen that lays golden eggs. It is a vulgar way of thinking to say that if there were more works by Mishima, the amount of cultural heritage or whatever of Japan would increase, and what Mishima showed through his actions was what culture is.

— Yumiko Kurahashi, Death of a Hero[65]

Kazumi Takahashi, who had a different ideological stance from Mishima, stated that despite that difference, "The death of a brave enemy is more sad than the death of an evil ally," and paid tribute to Mishima, saying, "If the spirit of Mishima Yukio has ears, please listen to the voice of Takahashi Kazumi 'fllinging away shiokara and weeping' (醢をくつがえして哭いている, Shiokara wo kutsugaeshite naite iru) (meaning: Even though it is impossible to bring back your life, I am weeping, flinging away the shiokara.)"[66][67][68][g]

Shōhei Ōoka expressed his great sorrow, saying, "Wasn't there another way? Why did this talent have to be destroyed?"[69][37] Taijun Takeda commented, "Mishima and I had different writing styles and opposing political views, but I have never once doubted the purity of his motives." and continued:[70][71]

A life of hard work and dedication without a moment to breathe has come to an end. The dust kicked up by his lonely body and soul of a long-distance runner, and his breathing soar high, and fall down above our heads. These are your patience, your determination, your hatred, your love, and, your howling laughter, your silence. These float between us, holding us down. It is something moral, rather than aesthetic. When you announced your Lectures on Immoral Education (不道徳教育講座, Fudōtoku Kyōiku Kōza), I had an intuition that "there is no way such an earnest, hard-working person could become immoral." I am thinking that you were born with the innate ability to believe that a life lived without morality is not a life at all. "Morality" was constantly trying to bind you, like pushing aside the "beauty" that tried to make you ecstatic.

— Taijun Takeda, After the Death of Mr. Yukio Mishima[70][72]

Jun Ishikawa expressed that the decisive factor in Mishima's decision was that he learned Kenjutsu while holding strong ideals as a samurai, and that he adopted the action philosophy of Yangmingism, the root of "Active nihilism" (能動的ニヒリズム, nōdōteki nihirizumu),[73][74] (a philosophy of action based on the idea of returning to the "Great void (heavens, sky)" (太虚, Taikyo), the source of all creation, through the unity of knowledge and action).[75][76] Also, Ishikawa, unlike Mishima, talked that he did not believe that Emperor-centrism was "absolutely unchanging," but he lamented that the place where Mishima's "nihilism" in his "jar (壺, tsubo) overflowing with the water of life" (flesh) took flight into the "Great void" was the "rooftop of a government office" where "salarymen" and not "samurai" hung out, and he expressed that "there is no doubt that the incident was an incident of Japanese spirit" even if there was a disconnection between the rooftop and the area below.[75][76] And he criticized the various "idle pseudo-thinkers" who, after the incident that Mishima's spirit had already returned to the "Great void," were "obsessing the coincide whether the positive or negative with Mishima's ideology."[75][76] Then he mourned for Mishima, repeating his own April commentary on Sun and Steel,[77] that he highly praised the "Blue sky"[78] that Mishima saw while carrying the mikoshi at Kumano Shrine (熊野神社, Kumano jinja) as "a Trophy of Mishima-kun's flesh."[77][79]

Takaaki Yoshimoto, as a person of the same generation as Mishima, who experienced the wartime and postwar periods, spoke of the shock of the incident as a question for himself.[80][81][82]

Yukio Mishima's dramatic committing seppuku, and beheaded by kaishaku, this is a shock. This method of suicide has some degree of an enough power to make all living looks "foolish." The shock is colored by the strange amalgam of the intensity of this method of suicide, his tragic Geki and the cheapness of his death poems, the misguided stupidity as a political act, and the open method of "sober calculation" that shown the process leading up to suicide, being let filmed on television cameras for the mass audience (大向う, ohmukou). And the question remains with me, just as it has for the past few years about Yukio Mishima: "How serious are you?" In other words, he died in a place that is the hardest for me to understand. The only answer to this question is the intensity of Mishima's method of suicide. And this answer has the power to me questioning, for a moment, "What have you been doing!?"

— Takaaki Yoshimoto, Comments on the Situation: Provisional Memo[80][81][82]

Yasunari Kawabata mourned Mishima's death and commented as follows:[83][84]

I had no particular sympathy for Mishima-kun's Tatenokai, but I think that in order to stop him from dying, I should have approached the Tatenokai, joined it, and accompanied him to the JSDF in Ichigaya. I think that I should have done so in order to avoid losing Mishima, but even this is a only hindsight lament. (Omitted)
It seems like the more you love and respect a writer, the less you can understand him. For me, this was the case with the literature of Riichi Yokomitsu-kun. Since Mishima-kun's death, I have been unable to stop thinking of Yokomitsu-kun. It is not that the tragedies and thoughts of these two genius writers are similar. It is because Yokomitsu-kun was my one and only greatly respected friend the same age as me, and Mishima-kun was my one and only greatly respected friend the younger than me. I wonder if I will ever meet greatly respected alive friend again, after these two.

— Yasunari Kawabata, Yukio Mishima[83][84]

Tatsuhiko Shibusawa, in mourning Mishima as a respect person, stated that Mishima was "an extremist in pursuit of the Absolute, without no limitations such as right or left," that his final act was "climbing the ladder of the Absolute and diving straight into the dizzying void," and that his death "stand tall with the brilliance of a pitch-black ore in the lukewarm waters of this prosperity."[85][36] Also he cited "Active nihilism,"[73] as well as "Moral masochism" in which they torment and are sanctified through loyalty to the Absolute, like as Christian saint, Saint Sebastian, as reasons why Mishima needed a romantic "Absolute."[85][86]

Kōichi Isoda (磯田光一), a literary critic, stated that the Mishima Incident was an act of resolve Mishima undertaken after he was aware of the various insults and criticisms that would be heaped upon him after his death, and that its aim was a complete act of revenge against "the real world itself that had lost its stoicism", named the "postwar" era.[87][88] He went on to say that for Mishima, the Emperor was "Something that must exist, because it cannot exist" and "an extreme vision summoned by his thirst for the 'Absolute'."[87][88]

Even if this incident has some kind of social impact, it cannot be used as a justification for the living to mock the spirits of the dead. Furthermore, since Mishima's actions were based on a decision that anticipated and was made with full knowledge of all criticism, his death has completely relativized all criticism. It is, so to speak, an act of sternly rejecting all criticism, or criticism itself is inevitably subject to criticism. What runs through Mishima's literature and thought is a thirst for aesthetic life and death, and something like a terrible malice to empty everything on earth.

— Kōichi Isoda, The Sun God and the Malice of Iron[87][88]

Donald Keene said, "I know that Prime Minister Satō was wrong to call Mishima's actions madness. They were logically constructed and inevitable," and "The world has lost a great writer."[89][6]

Henry Scott-Stokes called Mishima "the most important man in Japanese" and noted that he was worthy of attention for boldly "bringing into the public arena" all the defense and political debates that had been exchanged only in private by the leaders of the Liberal Democratic Party until then, asking why Japan's professional politicians had not been able to do this up until now.[90]

Few people realize that Japan is a country that discusses issues of national defense as if they were playing cards or poker. (Omitted)
Foreigners are convincing themselves that the very fact that Japan holds free elections, has an almost excessive number of opinion polls, and enjoys freedom of speech, is proof of the existence of democracy in Japan. But Mishima called attention in regard to the lack of reality in basic political debates in Japan, as well as the peculiarities of Japan's democratic principles.

— Henry Scott-Stokes, Why was Mishima Great[90]

When Edward Seidensticker was asked by newspaper reporters whether Mishima's actions had anything to do with the resurgence of Japanese militarism, he intuitively answered "No" and commented as follows:[91][6][92]

Maybe one day, when the country of Japan has grown tired of peace, of gross national product, of all that, he will be looked upon as the guardian god of a new national consciousness. We can now see that he told us very early what he intended to do, and that he achieved it. In a sense, Mishima's life was a Schweitzer-like one.

— Edward Seidensticker, None title (Current affairs commentary)[91][6][92]

Henry Miller stated that he did not believe Mishima's suicide was the result of his fanaticism.[93][94] And he mentioned that he was intrigued by the fact that Mishima, a writer who had a strong interest in Western culture and thought and consciously adopted them, "devoted himself to defending Japan's unique traditions," and has expressed the view that the meaning of Mishima's death was "to awaken the Japanese people and direct their eyes to the beauty and effectiveness inherent in the traditional lifestyle of their homeland," and that Mishima sacrificed everything to save his country.[93][94] Also he stated, "Was there anyone in Japan who could sense more keenly than Mishima the various dangers facing Japan, which is following Western thought?" and that Mishima had a "spirit of refusal to submit" to Western "progressivism," in which ultimately awaited mass destructive death, "the death of the whole earth."[93]

How much poison is in our immature Western thought about progress, efficiency, safety, and so on? It is time for the whole world to see this, whether fascist, communist, or democrat. The Western world has promoted superficial comfort and progress, but the price paid for all of it is too high. (Omitted) He (Mishima) appealed for dignity, self-respect, true brotherhood, self-trust, love of nature instead of efficiency, patriotism instead of ultra-nationalism, and he wanted to restore the Emperor as a symbol of leadership, as opposed to the characterless, mindless masses that blindly follow the ever-changing ideology obtained endorsement from political theorists.

— Henry Miller, Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima[93]

Also, Henry Miller asked a question, "Mishima was a man of great intelligence. Didn't Mishima realize that it was futile to try to change the minds of the masses?" and went on to say the following:[93][95]

No one has ever succeeded in changing the consciousness of the masses. Not Alexander the Great, not Napoleon, not Buddha, not Jesus, not Socrates, not Marcion, not anyone else that I know of. The majority of humanity is asleep. They have been asleep throughout history, and will probably still be asleep when the atomic bomb annihilates humanity. (Omitted) They cannot be awakened. It is useless to command the masses to live intelligently, peacefully, and beautifully.

— Henry Miller, Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima[93][95]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Noguchi has inferred that this tendency in there may have been related to their view that suicide as a crime, and has said that but in any case, he felt that the fact that Mishima's death was never considered a "problem of the logic of human life" was different from the Japanese habit of relating the meaning of the suicide of others to the living side.[8]
  2. ^ Three years after the Mishima Incident, Kiyokatsu Yamamoto, who had become an advisor to a certain company in Ichigaya, was visited by Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博), a former Tatenokai member, who said to him, "Mr. Yamamoto, whether this is right or wrong, it is possible that Mr. Mishima committed such an act because he was provoked by you."[18][19] Yamamoto, looking down, replied, "I have a bad sleep. Now I am consoling Mr. Mishima's spirit and living a life immersed in haiku."[18][19]
  3. ^ Major Katsumi Terao has said that when he heard Nakasone's words on this tape, "I was boiling with anger", and was dismayed to see that Nakasone, whom he had previously respected, "was this kind of man in reality."[21][22]
  4. ^ At the time, there was an atmosphere of mutual rejection on both the left and the right, and it was difficult to be free, with people thinking things like, "I'm left-wing, so I shouldn't be sympathize with Mishima," or, "I'm actually anti-American, but I'm right-wing so I shouldn't be oppose the anpo."[31] However, like Chiren Misawa, the Mishima Incident prompted some people to join the New Right.[31]
  5. ^ However, in his later years, Ryōtarō Shiba, began to lament and worry about the money worship of materialism and deterioration of ethics among Japanese people from the economic bubble period through to the Heisei era, like the prediction words of Mishima.[42]
  6. ^ Mishima's Geki has cited the "Washington Naval Treaty," the "Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons," and the "Japan-US textile negotiations (日米繊維交渉, Nichi-bei senni koshō)" as examples of unequal treaties that Japan was forced to accept.[50][51]
  7. ^ The phrase 醢をくつがえして哭いている (Shiokara wo kutsugaeshite naite iru) comes from a legend that when Confucius informed that his disciple Zhong You had been killed, cut up and turned into a shiokara, he wept and flung away all home shiokara. Kazumi Takahashi used the phrase as a metaphor for grief of losing a brave defeated warrior whom he respects.[67]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Hosaka 2001, pp. 77–80
  2. ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 284–285
  3. ^ a b Matsumoto 1990, pp. 230–231
  4. ^ Kazuaki 1985, p. 170
  5. ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 282–283
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Date 1972, pp. 297–301
  7. ^ Mitsunobu 2017, p. 60
  8. ^ a b c Noguchi 1985, pp. 199–202
  9. ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 34–35
  10. ^ a b Chujō1 2005, pp. 23–25
  11. ^ Muramatsu 1990, pp. 505–506
  12. ^ Chujō1 2005, pp. 38–40
  13. ^ a b c Inoue 2020, pp. 531–534
  14. ^ a b c Jurō 2005, pp. 187–191
  15. ^ a b Tokuoka 1999, pp. 277–279
  16. ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 274–276
  17. ^ a b Matsufuji 2007, pp. 172–173
  18. ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 217–219
  19. ^ a b Ando 1998, pp. 294–296
  20. ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 271–273
  21. ^ a b c Katsumi Terao The man slashed by Yukio Mishima. Yukoku50 2020, pp. 48–72 (of that in pp.69–71)
  22. ^ a b c Nishi 2020, pp. 209–212
  23. ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 291–293
  24. ^ a b c Komuro 1985, pp. 195–196
  25. ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970). 深き夜に… [In the deep night,]. none (in Japanese). collected in Complete-Su 2005, p. 196
  26. ^ Inoki 1985, p. 177
  27. ^ a b c Murata 2015, pp. 252–254
  28. ^ a b c d Hosaka 2001, pp. 90–92
  29. ^ Ando 1996, pp. 424–425
  30. ^ Okamura 2020, pp. 43–44
  31. ^ a b c d Itasaka&Suzuki 2010, pp. 20–22
  32. ^ Tomofusa Kure (呉智英) The end of the "serious" era. Chujō1 2005, pp. 189–203 (of that in pp.202–203)
  33. ^ a b Hori 1993, p. 80
  34. ^ a b Hori 1993, pp. 80–81
  35. ^ a b c d Hosaka 2001, pp. 81–83
  36. ^ a b c d Shibata 2012, pp. 22–25
  37. ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 85–90
  38. ^ Yamada, Munemutsu (1970-12-12). アンケート [Questionnaire]. Shūkan Gendai – Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha.
  39. ^ Noma, Hiroshi (1970-12-06). 錯誤にみちた文学・政治の短絡 [His Literature full of Errors and the Short Circuit between Politics]. Asahi Journal - Emergency Special: The Death of Mishima Aesthetics (in Japanese). pp. 4–6.
  40. ^ a b Shiba, Ryōtarō (1970-11-26). 異常な三島事件に接して―文学論的なその死 [On the Extraordinary Mishima Incident: His Literary Death]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). p. 1. collected in Postwar 2010, pp. 133–135
  41. ^ a b Tokuoka 1999, pp. 290–291
  42. ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 293–295
  43. ^ Sakurai 2020, p. 25
  44. ^ Shibata, Shō (1970-12-12). ナルシシズムに腹が立つ [I get angry at his Narcissism.]. Shūkan Gendai – Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha. p. 168.
  45. ^ Komuro 1985, p. 194, Sakurai 2020, p. 25
  46. ^ Muramatsu, Takeshi (1970-12-26). 市ヶ谷台上の諌死 [Kanshi on Ichigaya-dai]. Shūkan Jiji – Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Jiji Press.
  47. ^ a b Fusao Hayashi Eulogy. Shincho2 1971, pp. 38–44, collected in Remi 1971, pp. 4–16, memorial 1999, pp. 86–91
  48. ^ Funahashi, Seiichi (1970-12-26). 壮烈な憤死 [Fierce Death by Rage]. Tokyo Shimbun (in Japanese) (Evening paper ed.).
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  50. ^ O-Encyclo 1976, pp. 136–137
  51. ^ Itasaka 2017, p. 137
  52. ^ a b Mari Mori Which one is the Madman?. Shincho2 1971, pp. 48–52, collected in memorial 1999, pp. 96–99
  53. ^ a b Chujō1 2005, pp. 29–31
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  55. ^ a b Hideo Kobayashi Thoughts. Shincho1 1971, pp. 138–139, collected in Reader 1983, pp. 56–57
  56. ^ a b Hayashi 1972, pp. 92–93
  57. ^ a b Ichirō Murakami To Calm the Ara Mitama. Shincho1 1971, pp. 269–275
  58. ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 83–85
  59. ^ Hashikawa, Bunzō (1970-11-26). “狂い死の思想” 美学の完結とは思えぬ ["The Thoughts of Death in Madness": I don't think this is the End of Aesthetics.]. Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese) (Evening paper ed.). p. 10. collected in Hashikawa 1998, pp. 132–134
  60. ^ Shibata 2012, pp. 19–22
  61. ^ Yojurō Yasuda The Sun behind the Eyes. Shincho2 1971, pp. 198–207, collected in memorial 1999, pp. 230–239
  62. ^ a b Yojurō Yasuda Heavenly Shigure. Shincho1 1971, pp. 176–182, collected in Remi 1971, pp. 18–29
  63. ^ Kitakage 2006, pp. 344–352
  64. ^ Nakai, Hideo (February 1971). ケンタウロスの嘆き [The Centaur's Lament]. Ushio - Special feature: Yukio Mishima, His journey through life and death (in Japanese). Ushio Shuppansha. pp. 138–146. collected in memorial 1999, pp. 302–311
  65. ^ a b Yumiko Kurahashi Death of a Hero. Shincho2 1971, pp. 83–88, collected in memorial 1999, pp. 131–136, Women 2020, pp. 143–150
  66. ^ Takahashi, Kazumi (1970-11-26). 果敢な敵の死悲し [The Death of a Brave Enemy Makes Me Sad]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese).
  67. ^ a b Toji Kamata (鎌田東二) Two Postwar Periods: Yukio Mishima and Kazumi Takahashi. N-Reader 1990, pp. 128–137 (of that in pp.130–131)
  68. ^ Yukito 2025, pp. 291–292
  69. ^ Ōoka, Shōhei (February 1971). 生き残ったものへの証言 [Testimony for Survivors]. Bungei Shunjū (in Japanese). Bungeishunjū. pp. 110–114.
  70. ^ a b Takeda, Taijun (January 1971). 三島由紀夫氏の死ののちに [After the Death of Mr. Yukio Mishima]. Chūō Kōron (in Japanese). Chuokoron-Shinsha. pp. 252–257. collected in Reader 1983, pp. 49–53, Gunzo18 1990, pp. 251–258, Postwar 2010, pp. 235–240
  71. ^ Chujō1 2005, pp. 44–48
  72. ^ Ito 2006, pp. 112–117
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  78. ^ Mishima, Yukio (November 1956). 陶酔について [About Euphoria]. Shincho (in Japanese). pp. 66–69. collected in Complete29 2003, pp. 304–311 (of that in p.307)
  79. ^ Izumi Hasegawa (長谷川泉) Minerva and Mars. M-Research 2020, pp. 3–25 (of that in pp.15–17)
  80. ^ a b Yoshimoto, Takaaki (February 1971). 情況への発言―暫定的メモ [Comments on the Situation: Provisional Memo]. Shiko (in Japanese). Shikosha. collected in Reader 1983, pp. 60–65, Bungei-umi 2020, pp. 178–184
  81. ^ a b Chujō1 2005, pp. 42–44
  82. ^ a b Mitsunobu 2017, pp. 59–60
  83. ^ a b Kawabata, Yasunari (January 1971). 三島由紀夫 [Yukio Mishima]. Shincho (in Japanese). Shinchosha. pp. 54–55. collected in Kawabata29 1982, pp. 615–619, Gunzo18 1990, pp. 229–231
  84. ^ a b Takeshi Muramatsu Mishima's Death and Yasunari Kawabata – 1, 2. Shincho20 1990, pp. 192–199, collected in Seio 1994, pp. 9–22
  85. ^ a b Tatsuhiko Shibusawa To try to catch a glimpse of the Absolute.... Shincho2 1971, pp. 108–114, collected in Shibusawa 1986, pp. 75–85, Reader 1983, pp. 72–77, Gunzo18 1990, pp. 17–25, memorial 1999, pp. 156–161
  86. ^ Ito 2002, pp. 69–71
  87. ^ a b c Isoda, Kōichi (February 1971). 太陽神と鉄の悪意―三島由紀夫の死 [The Sun God and the Malice of Iron: The Death of Yukio Mishima]. Bungakukai - Special feature: Yukio Mishima (in Japanese). Bungeishunjū. pp. 10–16. collected in Isoda 1979, pp. 434–445 pp.434–439 of that, memorial 1999, pp. 240–246
  88. ^ a b c Chujō1 2005, pp. 31–33
  89. ^ Keene, Donald (1971-04-20). 無題（時事解説） [none title (Current affairs commentary)]. Jiji Hyoron - Yukio Mishima: His life, Work and Death (in Japanese). Diplomatic Knowledge Promotion Association.
  90. ^ a b Scott-Stokes, Henry (February 1971). ミシマは偉大だったか [Why was Mishima Great]. Shokun! - Special Feature: Looking at the Death of Yukio Mishima (in Japanese). Bungeishunjū. collected in memorial 1999, pp. 321–323
  91. ^ a b Seidensticker, Edward (1971-04-20). 無題（時事解説） [none title (Current affairs commentary)]. Jiji Hyoron - Yukio Mishima: His life, Work and Death (in Japanese). Diplomatic Knowledge Promotion Association.
  92. ^ a b Mitsunobu 2017, p. 61
  93. ^ a b c d e f Miller, Henry (1971-10-29). 特別寄稿―三島由紀夫の死 [Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima]. Shūkan Post, 44 to 48 Issue (in Japanese). Shogakukan. collected in Miller 2017, pp. 199–234
  94. ^ a b Saeki 1988, pp. 300–304
  95. ^ a b Komuro 1985, pp. 194–195

Sources

[edit]
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  • Nihon Gakusei Shimbun, ed. (1971). 回想の三島由紀夫 [Yukio Mishima in Reminiscence] (in Japanese). Gyōsei Tsūshinsha. NCID BN0927582X.
  • Nishi, Hōtaro (2020). 三島由紀夫事件 50年目の証言―警察と自衛隊は何を知っていたか [Yukio Mishima Incident – Testimonies of 50 Years Later: What did the Police and the Self-Defense Forces Know] (in Japanese). Shinchosha. ISBN 978-4-10-353581-2.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Noguchi, Takehiko (1985). 三島由紀夫と北一輝 [Yukio Mishima and Ikki Kita] (in Japanese). Fukumura Shuppan. NCID BN01070867.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Okamura, Ao (2020) [1st pub. Gendai Shokan:1990]. 三島由紀夫と森田必勝―楯の会事件 若き行動者の軌跡 [Yukio Mishima and Masakatsu Morita: The Tatenokai Incident, the Trajectory of a Young Activist]. Kōjinsha NF Bunko (in Japanese) (Paperback ed.). Ushio Shobo Kōjin Shinsha. ISBN 978-4-7698-3191-4.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Saeki, Shōichi (1988) [1st pub. Shinchosha:1978]. 評伝 三島由紀夫 [Biography: Yukio Mishima]. Chuko Bunko (in Japanese) (Paperback ed.). Chuokoron-Shinsha. ISBN 978-4-12-201567-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Sakurai, Hidenori (2020). 三島由紀夫は何を遺したか [What did Yukio Mishima Leave Behind] (in Japanese). Kizuna Shuppan. ISBN 978-4-86663-128-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Shibata, Shōji (2012). 三島由紀夫 作品に隠された自決への道 [Yukio Mishima: The Path to Suicide Hidden in His Works] (in Japanese). Shodensha. ISBN 978-4-396-11300-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Shibusawa, Tatsuhiko (1986) [1st pub. Rippū Shobo:1983]. 三島由紀夫おぼえがき [Memorandum on Yukio Mishima]. Chuko Bunko (in Japanese) (Paperback ed.). Chuokoron-Shinsha. ISBN 978-4-12-201377-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Shindō, Sumitaka (1976). 伝記 川端康成 [Biography of Yasunari Kawabata] (in Japanese). Rokkō Shuppan. NCID BN00959203.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Tokuoka, Takao (1999) [1st pub. 1996]. 五衰の人―三島由紀夫私記 [The Man of the Decay of the Angel: Private Notes about Yukio Mishima] (in Japanese) (Paperback ed.). Bungeishunjū. ISBN 978-4-16-744903-2.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Yamamoto, Kiyokatsu (1980). 三島由紀夫・憂悶の祖国防衛賦―市ケ谷決起への道程と真相 [Yukio Mishima – An Anguish Verse of Fatherland Defense: The Path to the Ichigaya Uprising and the Truth] (in Japanese). Nihon Bungeisha. ISBN 978-4-537-00517-2. NCID BN10688248.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Yamamoto, Mitsunobu (2017). 私の中の三島由紀夫 [Yukio Mishima in Me] (in Japanese). Hakurosha. ISBN 978-4-434-23098-1.
  • Yamauchi, Yukito (2025). 巨大な夕焼―三島由紀夫の芸術と死 [The Huge Sunset Glow: The Art and Death of Yukio Mishima] (in Japanese). Kawade Shobō Shinsha. ISBN 978-4-309-92293-5.
  • Yoshida, Kazuaki (1985). 三島由紀夫 [Yukio Mishima]. For Beginners Series 35 (in Japanese). Illustrated by Akira Wakaki. Gendai Shokan. ISBN 978-4-7684-0035-7.
  • Yukio Mishima Study Group, ed. (2020). 「憂国忌」の五十年 [Fifty Years of "Yūkoku-ki"] (in Japanese). Keibunsha Shobo. ISBN 978-4-89992-071-7.
  • 中央公論特別編集 三島由紀夫と戦後 [Chūō Kōron Special Edition – Yukio Mishima and the Postwar Period] (in Japanese). Chuokoron-Shinsha. 2010. ISBN 978-4-12-004161-7.
  • 中央公論特別編集 彼女たちの三島由紀夫 [Chūō Kōron Special Edition – Yukio Mishima through Women] (in Japanese). Chuokoron-Shinsha. 2020. ISBN 978-4-12-005347-4.
  • 文芸読本 三島由紀夫 [Literary Reader: Yukio Mishima] (in Japanese) (New Binding ed.). Kawade Shobō Shinsha. 1983 [1st pub. 1975]. ISBN 978-4-309-70002-1. NCID BA35307535.
  • 新文芸読本 三島由紀夫 [New Literary Reader: Yukio Mishima] (in Japanese). Kawade Shobō Shinsha. 1990. ISBN 978-4-309-70155-4.
  • 文藝別冊 三島由紀夫1970―海を二つに割るように、彼は逝った [Bungei Separate Volume – Yukio Mishima 1970: He Passed Away like Splitting the Sea in Two]. KAWADE Dream Mook (in Japanese). Kawade Shobō Shinsha. 2020. ISBN 978-4-309-98005-8.
  • 新潮 1月・臨時増刊 三島由紀夫読本 [Shinchō – January Extra Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Reader] (in Japanese). Shinchosha. 1971. ASIN B00QRZ32NO.
  • 新潮 2月・追悼特集号 [Shinchō – February Memorial Special Issue] (in Japanese). Shinchosha. 1971. ASIN B0DGK58TXY.
  • 新潮 12月・特大号 没後二十年 三島由紀夫特集 [Shinchō – December Extra Large Issue: Yukio Mishima 20 Years After His Death] (in Japanese). Shinchosha. 1990. doi:10.11501/6078693.
  • 近代作家追悼文集成〈42〉三島由紀夫 [Collection of Memorial Texts for Modern Writers 42: Yukio Mishima] (in Japanese). Yumani Shobo. 1999. ISBN 978-4-89714-645-4.