Draft:French Republicans under the July Monarchy

Although the Three Glorious Days were primarily the result of the efforts of many dedicated Republicans, the liberals succeeded in establishing a second constitutional monarchy at the expense of the Republicans. The events of 1830 [fr] favored the liberal bourgeoisie, who were better organized to establish a new regime and opposed the establishment of a republic. Consequently, the Republicans resumed their opposition to a regime they did not support.

Republicans at the dawn of the July Monarchy

Disappointment with the new regime

Louis-Philippe gives the fighters of July commemorative medals.

See also: July Revolution, Le National (France), and Cabinet of Jacques Laffitte

After the Three Glorious Days, revolutionary fervor swept across all of France. Many new societies were established, while existing ones from the Restoration period were revitalized. In 1830, the Society of the Friends of Liberty [fr], the Society of the Friends of the People, the Society of Human Rights, and the Society of the Constitution flourished. Among these, the Society of the Friends of the People was the most prominent, actively opposing the ascension of Louis-Philippe I and advocating for "the republic or death."^[1] In universities, leagues were formed to combat widespread illiteracy. On September 21, 1830, a large crowd gathered to honor the four sergeants of La Rochelle, who had been sentenced to death eight years earlier.^[2] Students who had participated in the July days joined the momentum of European peoples resisting the Metternich system. Outside of France, the July insurgents encouraged the Belgians to revolt against Dutch rule in a surge of nationalism. They also encouraged the Poles to emancipate themselves from Russian control and the Italian nationalists to unify the different Italian peoples into a republic. While absolutist autocracies were alarmed by the revolutionary momentum emanating from France, the news of the establishment of a monarchy that seemed more attuned to popular aspirations was well received in the United States, which planned a grand commemoration of the 1783 Treaty, as well as by liberals across Europe, who celebrated the development. However, this enthusiasm proved to be short-lived.^[3]

The funeral of Benjamin Constant, a figure of the liberal opposition during the Restoration, is the subject of a republican gathering.

Hopes raised by what Thiers referred to as a "republic disguised as a monarchy" were quickly dashed. Despite symbolic gestures by Louis-Philippe, such as awarding "July medals" to the fighters of the Three Glorious Days, disappointment grew steadily. Pierre Daunou, a prominent figure, remarked about the medals: "Today, they weave crowns for you; within three years, these same hands that give them to you may shackle you and lead you to the scaffold." This prediction proved to be prescient. As early as September 1830, Guizot, newly appointed Minister of the Interior in the Laffitte government, began arresting individuals for "inciting hatred against the king" and instructed the police to use the list of July medal recipients to initiate prosecutions.^[4] The chamber elected in 1830, still in session, was deemed illegitimate by Republicans. The Society of the Friends of the People declared that it "cannot recognize an aristocratic chamber whose institution directly opposes the sentiments and principles that led us to take up arms."^[5] Despite some measures taken with the cooperation of Republicans—such as the abolition of hereditary peerage—the chamber enacted laws that reminded La Fayette of the repressive policies of the 1820s, including censorship laws and restrictions on associations. In response, thousands of students, realizing that Louis-Philippe had co-opted their revolution, went on strike. At this point, all Republicans recognized that their struggle during the Three Glorious Days had been in vain.^[6] During the funeral of Benjamin Constant, where all Republicans gathered, Trélat vowed that "our July days, so dearly bought with the lives of our brothers, will not be lost." The message was unmistakable: the July Monarchy had officially become the enemy of the Republicans.^[7]

La Fayette, a key figure in securing Louis-Philippe’s ascension to the throne, began to regret his decision. Louis-Philippe and his ministers quickly recognized this shift and pressured La Fayette to resign as head of the National Guard, which he did on December 27, 1830.^[8] His resignation, followed by that of Dupont de l'Eure, who stepped down as Minister of Justice, marked a significant rupture between the Orléanists and Republicans. A few days later, Marrast and Cavaignac began secretly planning to resume the political struggle. Under the leadership of the newspaper Le National and with the support of the Aide-toi society, new republican associations were established—partly in response to fears of a legitimist counter-revolution, but primarily to demonstrate to Louis-Philippe that Republicans still maintained a strong presence in the country.^[9] However, the republican camp was divided over the strategy to take power. Figures like Trélat, Cabet, Buchez, Marrast, and Garnier-Pagès favored political opposition and renounced establishing a republican regime by force, while others such as Cavaignac, Bastide, and Arago advocated for a new insurrection, confident in an immediate victory.^[10] This ongoing agitation led Republicans to oppose the July Monarchy on various fronts. For instance, during the trial of Charles X's ministers, the unexpected life imprisonment sentence—when all Republicans had anticipated the death penalty—provoked an attempted uprising that was swiftly quelled.^[11] This unrest, coupled with the sacking of Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois during anti-Carlist demonstrations following a mass in memory of the Duke of Berry, contributed to the downfall of the Laffitte ministry, which was replaced by government [fr] led by Casimir Périer.^[12]

Casimir Périer vs. the Republicans

See also: Canut revolts

Casimir Perier, the president of the council, began a merciless struggle with the Republicans.

Casimir Périer summarized his political stance with a single phrase: "At home, order without sacrifice to liberty; abroad, peace without cost to honor." His position toward the Republicans soon became clear. Initially, Périer sought to reassure them by passing electoral reform, but he quickly opposed their proposal to remunerate deputies. In 1831, deputies were unpaid for their mandates, which allowed the government to control modest representatives by offering them civil service positions. A notable example was Paul Dubois, director of Le Globe and a former Carbonari, who was offered a high-ranking administrative position and was ultimately "neutralized" by the regime.^[13] The government [fr] went even further in its repression, declaring an administrative purge. All deputies who had joined republican associations formed during the July Monarchy were dismissed. Key republican officeholders, including prosecutors, judges, and mayors, were removed from their positions. Odilon Barrot and Alexandre de Laborde resigned, the former from the Seine prefecture and the latter from the Seine prefecture and Laborde from the Paris municipal council [fr]. Eugène Cavaignac, then a junior army officer, was suspended for telling his colonel that he would never take up arms against the Republicans. The purge, orchestrated by the parti de la résistance, was largely successful.^[14] In April 1831, Périer instructed public prosecutors to "wage an unrelenting war against the Republicans," marking the beginning of an intense crackdown on republican newspaper editors. According to Georges Weill, republican publications, especially La Tribune,^[15] faced constant lawsuits. Périer’s government also sought to weaken key republican leaders, culminating in the so-called Trial of the Nineteen. The Minister of Justice prosecuted nineteen Republicans, including Cavaignac, Guinard, Marrast, Trélat, and Bastide—accusing them of exploiting unrest during the trial of Charles X’s ministers [fr] to incite a riot. However, their defense proved highly effective. The three republican lawyers, including Louis Michel, delivered arguments that allowed the acquaintance of all nineteen, prompting ovations from the courtroom.^[16]

Raspail's speech at the trial of the fifteen made him very popular in France. This painting shows him with his children at the Versailles prison, with Larpenteur (the painter), Blanqui, Bonnias and Guillard de Kersausie.

Then, the first insurrection of the Canuts in Lyon galvanized the republican opposition. This significant workers' uprising made republican leaders realize the necessity of advocating for the masses, including the proletariat. Building on the momentum of 1830, Republicans established educational committees and free schools, which the government viewed as a challenge to its authority, as education had traditionally been the domain of the State or the Church. The Association pour l'instruction gratuite du peuple (Association for the Free Education of the People) was founded by Dupont de l’Eure, while Lazare Carnot revived a society he had established fifteen years earlier aimed at providing education to all.^[17] Guizot, then Minister of Education, recognized the growing influence of Republicans in a field that the State considered its own. In response, he worked on an education law, which was passed in 1833. Beyond advocating for free education for all, Republicans began to write for the people in 1831. Drawing inspiration from the English Methodists, who had rallied workers to their cause in the 18th century, Republicans—assisted by the Saint-Simonians—wrote for the people, especially for workers.^[18] However, in 1831, Republicans distanced themselves from the Saint-Simonians, as the latter did not see the republican regime as a core part of their political vision, leading to their eventual split.^[19][20] As early as November 1831, Étienne Cabet published Péril de la situation présente (Peril of the Present Situation) in support of the Canuts of Lyon. Cabet, along with Buchez—who wrote Histoire parlementaire de la Révolution française in 1831—is one of the Republicans most dedicated to workers. In 1833, he founded the newspaper Le Populaire, aimed at informing workers about national affairs.^[21]

These republican successes provoked Casimir Périer, leading him to intensify his actions against the Republicans. In January 1832, the Trial of the Fifteen began, with the government's goal being to imprison the key members of the influential Society of the Friends of Liberty [fr].^[22] Like the Trial of the Nineteen a year earlier, this trial became a platform for republican eloquence. Trélat, and especially Raspail, turned the trial against the government with their powerful rhetoric. During the proceedings, Raspail declared: "France [...] could feed sixty million people: it has only thirty-two million, and two-thirds of them are starving. That is the problem to be solved." Although Raspail was ultimately sentenced to two years in prison and fined one thousand francs, his words reverberated throughout the republican press, the Chamber of Deputies, and universities, due to the impact of his speech.^[23][24] The Republicans took heart from this, and the death of Casimir Périer, caused by the cholera epidemic in 1832, was seen as positive for Republicans. They expected his death to enable a government more in tune with popular aspirations.^[25][26]

Direct opposition to the Orléanists

Insurrection of 1832

See also: June Rebellion

Republican uprising of 1832.

On May 22, 1832, thirty-nine opposition deputies (Republicans and liberals disillusioned with the July Monarchy) gathered at Jacques Laffitte’s home. They published a report on their actions, votes, and convictions, known as the Compte rendu des 39 (Report of the 39). The manifesto, originally meant to define the left-wing opposition’s vision, instead became a direct critique of the July Monarchy. It asserted that the Restoration and the Revolution still coexisted and characterized the Three Glorious Days as "a wasted effort," emphasizing the Republic as the only truly reliable regime.^[27] When officially signed on May 28, 1832, the report sent shockwaves through the July Monarchy’s political landscape. The republican opposition gained renewed confidence from it, a sentiment further reinforced by the death of one of its young members, Évariste Galois, who was killed in a duel.^[28] All the Republicans gathered at his funeral on June 2, using the occasion not only to mourn his loss but also to discuss the possibility of a coup. In a context of rising ultra-royalism—symbolized by the Duchess of Berry’s revival of the Chouannerie [fr]—the Republicans learned of the death of General Lamarque in Nantes in early June 1832. His death, caused by the cholera epidemic sweeping France, which had previously claimed Casimir Périer, further fueled republican resolve. The Republicans planned a grand procession to honor Lamarque and also to pay tribute to the Polish nationalists who had died fighting the Russians. The march was scheduled for June 5, 1832.^[29]

The funeral of General Lamarque was the cause of a republican uprising in 1832.

On June 5, 1832, a procession honoring Lamarque’s death escalated into violence when a faction of participants attempted to transform it into a republican insurrection. The uprising gained momentum as part of the National Guard sided with the insurgents, pushing Paris to the brink of revolution.^[27] However, Louis-Philippe quickly took action, reviewing his troops that evening and boosting their morale. The turning point came when the authors of the Compte rendu des 39 shifted their demands from republicanism to policy reforms under Louis-Philippe. With republican leaders retreating—La Fayette fleeing to the provinces and others facing arrest—the insurrection lost momentum.^[30] Fighting resumed on June 6, but the royal army decisively defeated the protesters. The monarchy emerged victorious, refusing to grant any concessions to the insurrection’s leaders, such as Odilon Barrot, who had attempted to negotiate with Louis-Philippe. The suppression of the insurrection outraged Republicans, particularly the young Ledru-Rollin, who noted the irony of a government that had risen to power through the barricades of 1830 now violently dismantling barricades just two years later.^[31][30] To this day, the true instigator of the insurrection remains unclear. The most widely accepted theory suggests that Godefroy Cavaignac, as leader of the Société des Amis du Peuple, initiated the insurrection independently, without consulting other Republicans—explaining why prominent figures like Étienne Garnier-Pagès, Étienne Cabet, and Armand Marrast distanced themselves from the uprising. Some suggest that Cavaignac may have received financial support from the Duchess of Berry, who sought to overthrow Louis-Philippe. However, it seems more likely that his objective was to install Napoleon II. Supporting this theory is his 1831 visit to London, where he met Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon I’s brother.^[32]

These impressions stem from Mme. Gilmore’s account, although Cavaignac’s trip to London actually took place after the insurrection. According to the police prefect Gisquet’s report and other investigations, the Société Gauloise de Deschapelles played a central role in organizing the uprising.^[33]

Arrival of Thiers

France was in a state of near-chaos, prompting the government to dissolve the Société des Amis du Peuple following a trial in which Cavaignac used his rhetorical skills to criticize Article 291 of the Penal Code, which restricted the right of association. He argued: "In a time of national renewal, freedom of association is essential [...]. There can never be too many willing minds working together to solve social problems."^[34] In October 1832, the appointment of Thiers as Minister of the Interior enabled the government to regain control over the Republicans. Thiers, having been deeply involved in clandestine networks during the Restoration, launched over 300 lawsuits against republican press outlets and organizations. He specifically targeted La Tribune, edited by Marrast, and Le Populaire, edited by Cabet, which had a circulation of 27,000 copies at the time.^[6] The government imposed more than 215,000 francs in fines on the republican press—a substantial sum for the era.^[35] In response, Republicans established numerous associations dedicated to defending press freedom. They repeatedly argued: "Since voters make up only a small minority, the majority of the people are represented not by the Chamber but by the press. [...] Let us unite to support newspapers and pay their fines."^[36]

Armand Carrel in 1833, oil on canvas by Ary Scheffer, Museum of Romantic Life.

This republican propaganda was backed by the newly formed Comité d'Action Central de Paris, which was organized into five specialized committees. The Inquiry Committee, led by Cabet, Marrast, and Guinard, investigated government actions against press freedom; the Legal Defense Committee, headed by Dupont de l’Eure, handled legal defense in court; the Relief Committee, under Cormenin’s leadership, raised funds to assist imprisoned Republicans or their families; the Legislation Committee, presided over by La Fayette, Armand Carrel, and Garnier-Pagès, focused on legislative matters; and the Central Press Committee, directed by Voyer d’Argenson and Cavaignac,^[37] oversaw the coordination of republican press efforts. This committee was supported by the Aide-toi Society and the Society for the Rights of Man, the successor to the Amis du Peuple. It also protected provincial republican newspapers by appointing four regional coordinators: Cabet for the East, Trélat for the South, Garnier-Pagès for the North, and Berrier-Fontaine for the West.^[38] These coordinators worked tirelessly to establish an opposition press against the monarchy in every department of France. As a result, Trélat revived a republican newspaper in the Puy-de-Dôme, Jacques Joly founded Le Patriote de Juillet in Toulouse, and Cabet launched Le Patriote de la Côte-d’Or—the Workers, closely aligned with the Republicans, particularly within various associations, played a central role in the November 1833 strike, which was organized in coordination with republican leaders. Thiers, aided by his deputies, chose to let hunger take its toll; since the mutual aid associations had not stockpiled enough provisions, the workers were eventually forced to return to work. This strike provided the justification for the ruling triumvirate of Guizot, Thiers, and de Broglie to intensify their crackdown in 1834.^[39]

1834

Honoré Daumier brings notoriety to the massacre of Transnonain [fr].

At the beginning of 1834, Thiers introduced a law requiring peddlers to obtain state authorization before distributing printed materials. Peddlers, who had long been a key source of information for a largely illiterate population, had read newspapers aloud and distributed almanacs for centuries.^[40] This law, therefore, significantly restricted access to information for the general public and provoked strong reactions, particularly in Lyon, where the silk workers (canuts) went on strike for a month, and in Nantes, where various republican associations in the west mobilized and demanded "the election of deputies by universal suffrage."^[41] The February 22, 1834 law on associations prohibited the formation of groups without prior authorization, except for artistic, religious, and literary organizations. Targeting republican associations and workers' mutual aid societies, it sparked widespread outrage and protests across France. Workers sang La Marseillaise and shouted, "Long live the Republic, death to the ministers!" With the exception of the Orléanists, the law was widely regarded as "scandalous." Thiers appeared intent on provoking the Republicans into a misstep that would justify their elimination. In response, republican leaders faced internal divisions—some pushed for confrontation, while others favored restraint to avoid falling into Thiers' trap. The republican movement’s cohesion was further undermined by the numerous scattered associations across France.^[42]

Armand Marrast in 1834.Portrait drawn by Auguste Toussaint Lecler, Paris, Musée Carnavalet.

One event ultimately forced republican leaders to act. On April 9, 1834, the trial of the canut leaders responsible for the February uprising in Lyon began amid intense tension, with 6,000 demonstrators gathered in support of the accused. Law enforcement was heavily mobilized, and while the trial proceeded as expected, the situation escalated when Jules Favre, the defense attorney, began his plea—at which point soldiers fired on an unarmed crowd. This massacre prompted a nationwide response from republican associations, leading to widespread calls for mass protests. Riots erupted in Paris, but were suppressed by soldiers who massacred demonstrators [fr] without hesitation. Meanwhile, seditious plots in the west and the Jura were ultimately abandoned. Informed of these plans, the government launched widespread "republican roundups,"^[43] leading to the arrest of more than 2,000 suspects across the country. Police forces conducted house searches and actively hunted Republicans throughout France.^[44] The republican press, outraged by these persecutions, faced heavy censorship from the royal government. Marrast was imprisoned at Sainte-Pélagie, while Carrel continued the fight through Le National before ultimately going into exile in England.^[45] This crackdown, combined with the mixed results of the 1834 legislative elections (where Republicans lost seats but figures ideologically close to them, such as Jacques Laffitte and Odilon Barrot, were elected), strengthened the movement. In October 1834, the Chamber of Peers was elevated to a high court of justice to try the 2,000 suspects arrested earlier in the year. Pierre Larousse would later refer to this trial as the "Monster Trial."^[46][47]

Trial and the period of decline

Initiatives

Fieschi.

The republican movement had been in decline since late 1834, weakened by a lack of strong leadership and ineffective messaging. In this context, the trial of the April 1834 insurgents took place in May 1835. While Republicans sought to use the trial as a platform for propaganda, their strategy backfired, as they were perceived as Jacobins—a label that alarmed the bourgeoisie. In response, the bourgeoisie took decisive measures to block the Republicans from gaining power.^[48] Despite this, the judges issued relatively lenient sentences, likely to prevent further unrest. Of the 2,000 defendants, 121 were convicted, and 43 were tried in absentia. Most received prison terms of several years, while some were acquitted or deported. Notably, no death sentences were handed down, as the government aimed to avoid creating republican martyrs.^[48]

The republican movement emerged from the trial even weaker. The bourgeoisie further distanced itself from the Republicans, and public perception increasingly saw them as persistent agitators. On July 28, 1835, during the anniversary of the July Monarchy, Louis-Philippe, despite warnings of possible assassination attempts, proceeded with a military review. At 50 Boulevard du Temple, an explosive device detonated.^[48] The royal family was unharmed, but General Mortier was killed instantly, along with 17 other people. The perpetrators were soon identified as Giuseppe Fieschi and two other republican accomplices linked to the secret Society of the Rights of Man. All three were tried, sentenced to death, and guillotined on February 19, 1836.^[49] This event severely damaged the reputation of the republican movement in public opinion.^[48]

Reorganization

Auguste Blanqui attempted an insurrection in 1839.

The July Monarchy witnessed the emergence of various republican ideological currents, with socialist ideas gaining traction during this period. Thinkers like Louis Blanc and Auguste Blanqui played a role in promoting these ideas.^[50] However, these socialist ideologies varied significantly—Louis Blanc promoted social democracy, advocating for direct male suffrage, while Blanqui rejected the electoral system entirely, calling for land collectivization. Although socialists and Republicans shared the goal of overthrowing the July Monarchy, they were divided on numerous issues, as many Republicans opposed the concept of a social republic. By the 1840s, the republican movement was struggling, deeply fractured between socialists, neo-communists, and moderates. While secret societies multiplied, their influence remained limited.^[51] The primary areas of disagreement centered on the right to work and the government's role in social affairs. Moderate Republicans maintained that government intervention in society was unnecessary, whereas more radical factions, drawing inspiration from the canut revolt, sought to link governmental authority with social action.^[52]

With La Tribune des départements by Marrast banned, new republican publications emerged, such as La Revue du Progrès by Louis Blanc in 1839 and, more notably, La Réforme in 1843, founded by Ledru-Rollin, Eugène Cavaignac, and Victor Schœlcher. Through these outlets, Republicans promoted ideas such as male suffrage and freedom of association—rights restricted by the April 10, 1834, law. Republicans also contributed to Le National, the newspaper of Adolphe Thiers, aiming to "convert" the petite bourgeoisie to republican ideals.^[53]

In 1839, Republicans attempted another insurrection. Led by radicals like Blanqui and Barbès, the revolt was organized by the Jacobin-inspired secret society Société des Saisons.^[50] However, the uprising lacked coordination and ultimately failed, as the insurgents were unable to seize Paris’s city hall, and the movement’s leaders were swiftly arrested.^[54] At the same time, Republicans, alongside legitimists, supported rural riots in 1841 against Finance Minister Georges Humann’s plan to reassess the portes et fenêtres tax. They argued that François Guizot’s government was secretly trying to restore Ancien Régime taxation and increase the overall tax burden.^[55]

Despite this period of relative calm, certain republican deputies continued to secure seats in the Chamber. Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, Arago, and Hippolyte Carnot were elected in the 1839 legislative elections, and in the following elections, around ten Republicans won positions. This resurgence was partly fueled by historiographical shifts, as writers like Jules Michelet and Louis Blanc sought to separate the French Revolution from the Reign of Terror.^[56]

Republican resurgence

Actions toward a new revolution

The combination of poor harvests, the collapse of the railroad speculation bubble, and François Guizot’s increasingly conservative policies fueled growing discontent, particularly among Republicans. A series of failed harvests and government inaction led to France’s last major famine, sparking food riots and widespread anger. The economic downturn deepened as the government, adhering to strict liberal principles, refused to intervene, allowing the market to self-regulate. As conditions worsened, the Republicans regained prominence in political life.^[57]

Beyond economic hardship, Guizot’s government further alienated rural populations through unpopular policies. The 1844 hunting permit requirement, for example, was seen as an attack on rights gained since 1789, reinforcing fears of a return to Ancien Régime practices. While the February 1848 insurrection was driven by Parisians, the absence of rural counter-revolts helped legitimize the new republican regime.^[58]

Banquets: A lethal weapon

See also: Campagne des banquets

The banquet at the Château-Rouge (July 9, 1847) kicked off the banquet season.

By early 1847, opposition Republicans and liberals began organizing political banquets as a forum for discussion. Initially moderate, these gatherings quickly became platforms for criticizing the July Monarchy. The first, held in Paris on July 9, featured Odilon Barrot addressing 1,200 attendees. Over time, with 70 more banquets held across France, Republicans increasingly took control, sidelining the Dynastic Opposition, which had initially sought reform while maintaining loyalty to the King.^[59] As the banquet campaign spread to cities like Autun and Dijon, discussions increasingly focused on social issues, sometimes embracing socialist ideas. In Valenciennes, attendees toasted “the abolition of misery through labor,” while others called for improving workers’ conditions. Prominent figures like Alphonse de Lamartine and Louis Blanc participated, and in Orléans, Marie invoked the revolutionary motto: “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” By January 9, 1848, in Toulouse, praise for fundamental freedoms had largely replaced toasts to the monarchy. Republicans used these gatherings to rally the petite and middle bourgeoisie, though radicals like Ledru-Rollin opposed the movement, believing revolution should be purely republican, without bourgeois Orléanist involvement.^[59]

Revolution

See also: French Revolution of 1848

François Guizot, through his unpopular policies, encouraged the return of the Republicans.

The Guizot government made several critical mistakes. On February 17, 1848, conservative deputies proposed moderate reforms, which Guizot outright rejected. Meanwhile, the banquet campaign was in full swing. On February 21, Guizot banned the banquet planned for the 12th arrondissement. The cancellation of the banquet enraged Republicans, solidifying their commitment to revolution. That evening, Odilon Barrot acknowledged the inevitability of unrest, declaring, “The chariot is in motion, and whatever we do, the people will be in the streets tomorrow.” On February 22, 1848, 3,000 demonstrators protested against the July Monarchy, specifically targeting Guizot, and marched toward the Chamber of Deputies. Confident in his 30,000-strong army, the King remained composed. However, the insurrection took a decisive turn on the night of February 23. Just as tensions seemed to subside, an altercation at Boulevard des Capucines led soldiers of the 14th Line Regiment to open fire on the crowd, killing 50 people.^[60] This act of violence escalated the situation, making further confrontation inevitable. On February 24, insurgents looted armories, and Louis-Philippe, unwilling to authorize further bloodshed, lost control of the capital. Unlike in 1830, when the bourgeoisie had steered the revolution toward a constitutional monarchy, the Republicans were determined not to be sidelined again. As the bourgeoisie organized to form a new government, Republicans stormed the Palais Bourbon and declared a provisional government composed of Republicans. Lamartine proclaimed the Second Republic—the Republicans had won, and the July Monarchy was permanently over.^[60]

Republican ideology under the July Monarchy

Beyond the supporters of the Republic, the republican movement in 1830 also included socialists, Saint-Simonians, and Bonapartists.

After the French Revolution of February 1848, which led to the restoration of the French Republic after more than thirty years of monarchy, many progressive Orléanists and Legitimists, pleased with the downfall of the "usurper," fully embraced the new republic. Historian Maurice Agulhon refers to them as the "Republicans of the day after," in contrast to the "Republicans of the day before," those who had dedicated most of their political careers to advocating for a republic.^[61]

The collaboration between monarchists and Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte marked the end of the relative unity between Bonapartists and Republicans that had existed since the beginning of the Second Restoration. By aligning himself with the monarchists, Bonaparte effectively undermined the Napoleonic legend, which had long portrayed Napoleon I as the "son of the Revolution."^[62]

The abandonment of the idea of a social republic following the events of June 1848 led to a definitive split within the republican movement. This division separated the democratic-socialists (radicals and socialists),^[63] who advocated for a social republic, from the moderates, who sought a more conservative republic. This ideological divide persisted and resurfaced prominently during the Third Republic, where radicals and opportunists frequently clashed over key issues, particularly colonial policy.^[64][65]

See also

• French Republicans under the Restoration
• Socialism

References

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2. Gilmore 1997, p. 135
3. Gilmore 1997, pp. 136–138
4. Gilmore 1997, p. 139
5. Tchernoff 1905, p. 54, Le parti républicain sous la monarchie de Juillet
6. Chaline, Barjot & Encrevé 1995, p. 192
7. Gilmore 1997, p. 140
8. Gilmore 1997, pp. 141–142
9. Gilmore 1997, pp. 142–143
10. Gilmore 1997, pp. 143–144
11. Gilmore 1997, p. 145
12. Antonetti 2002, p. 652
13. Gilmore 1997, pp. 150–151
14. Gilmore 1997, pp. 152–153
15. Weill 1928, pp. 66–67
16. Gilmore 1997, pp. 154–155
17. Gilmore 1997, p. 159
18. Ludovic, Frobert; Sheridan, George Joseph (2014). "Les Canuts, la Fabrique et les insurrections" [The Canuts, the Factory and the uprisings]. Le Solitaire du ravin [The Ravine Solitaire]. Gouvernement en question(s) (in French). ENS Éditions. pp. 33–47. ISBN 979-10-362-0422-7.
19. Caron 1980, p. 176
20. "révolte des canuts (novembre-décembre 1831)" [Revolt of the Canuts (November-December 1831)]. Larousse (in French).
21. Gilmore 1997, p. 160
22. "Auguste Blanqui's Defence Speech at the 'Trial of the Fifteen' (12 January 1832)". The Blanqui Archive.
23. Caron 1980, p. 177
24. "François-Vincent Raspail : 1794-1878" (in French).
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28. Courcelle, Olivier (June 2, 2017). "L'enterrement de Galois" [The burial of Galoi] (in French).
29. Gilmore 1997, pp. 166–167
30. Goujon, Bertrand (2012). "L'enracinement du régime de Juillet (1832-1840)" [The entrenchment of the July Monarchy (1832-1840)]. Monarchies postrévolutionnaires [Post-revolutionary monarchies] (in French). Le Seuil. pp. 257–330.
31. Gilmore 1997, p. 168
32. Gilmore 1997, p. 169
33. "La Société gauloise dans l'insurrection des 5 et 6 juin 1832" [The Gallic Society in the insurrection of June 5 and 6, 1832] (PDF). Généalogie et Histoire de la Caraïbe (in French). Retrieved February 14, 2025.
34. Gilmore 1997, p. 170
35. Gilmore 1997, p. 173
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