Allal al-Fassi

  1. Home
  2. Wiki
Zaʿīm[1]
Shaykh
Allal al-Fassi
علال الفاسي
Allal al-Fassi in 1951
Minister of Islamic Affairs
In office
June 1961 – January 1963
MonarchHassan II
Leader of the Istiqlal Party
In office
1956–1974
Succeeded byM'hamed Boucetta
Personal details
Born10 January 1910
Fes, Morocco
DiedMay 13, 1974(1974-05-13) (aged 64)
Bucharest, Romania
Political partyIstiqlal
Other political
affiliations
Relations
Children5, including Abdelouahed [fr; ar]
ParentsAbd al-Wahid al-Fassi
Religious life
ReligionIslam
CreedAsh'ari[2]
Movement
Muslim leader
Influenced by
Influenced
Alma materal-Qarawiyyin University

Muhammad Allal al-Fassi (Arabic: محمد علال الفاسي, romanized: Muḥammad ʿAllāl al-Fāsī; January 10, 1910 – May 13, 1974) was a Moroccan revolutionary,[4] politician, writer, poet, Pan-Arabist[5] and Islamic scholar[6] who was one of the early leaders of the Moroccan nationalist movement. He later became the president for life of the Istiqlal Party after independence representing it until his death in 1972. He served briefly as Minister of Islamic Affairs from 1961 to 1963.

Born into the prominent scholarly Fassi Fihri family [fr], he became involved in the Moroccan nationalist movement at a young age during his years as a student at al-Qarawiyyin. In response to the Berber Dahir, he helped to arouse protest and began to coordinate with other nationalists leading to the formation of nationalist parties like the Moroccan Action Committee [fr; ar]. After riots broke out in 1937, al-Fassi was exiled to Gabon for 10 years. During his exile, the Istiqlal Party was formed and he was given the honorary role of zaʿīm.

After returning from him exile, he went into self-exile to Cairo. Whilst in Cairo, he collaborated with other nationalist leaders from the Maghreb. He supported militant nationalists like the Moroccan Army of Liberation after Mohammed V's exile and after independance became the leader of the Istiqlal which at that point had expanded massively becoming divided between a right and left wing later culminating into a split within the party. He was also involved as the head of the codification commission for the Mudawana. As Minister of Islamic Affairs, al-Fassi promoted the institution of a new constitution but he eventually resigned after the controversial Bahai Affair. After his resignation, al-Fassi became a prominent opposition leader against Hassan II's government. He died of a heart attack on a trip to Romanian leader Nicolae Ceaușescu.

He was a "neo-Salafist" who advocated for the synthesis of nationalism and reformist Salafism. As an advocate for an Arab-Islamic identity for Morocco, he wanted a Morocco that rules by Sharia and imposes Arabisation. He developed the idea of Greater Morocco which later came to influence the official policy of Morocco.

He has been described as the "Father of Moroccan Nationalism".[7][8]

Early life and education

[edit]

Muhammad Allal al-Fassi was born in Fes on 10 January 1910[4] to a prominent bourgeois[9] Andalusian family claiming descent from Uqba ibn Nafi[10] and a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad which produced hundreds of Islamic scholars[4] known as the Fassi Fihri family [fr].[11] His father, Abd al-Wahid al-Fassi,[12] was a judge,[13] grand mufti,[14] doctor of divinity at and curator of the library of Qarawiyyin.[4] Abd al-Wahid was also a merchant who founded the Nasiriyyah Free School in Fes.[15] He served as the mufti of Fes and the imam at the Royal Mosque in Fes.[16] Allal al-Fassi's mother came from a prominent mercantile family known as the Ma'safirine family[12] who held considerable influence in northern Morocco.[4]

At the age of 5, he entered a Quranic school.[17] He memorized the Quran by the age of 7.[18] Before attending Qarawiyyin at the age of 14, Allal al-Fassi was a student in the Nasiriyyah Free School his father founded.[15] Beginning in 1924,[19] he studied at the University of al-Qarawiyyin[20][21] where he received a purely Arab education and came under the influence of the Salafiya movement.[9][10] In this time, as a student, al-Fassi was highly influenced by Salafi thinker Mohammed Ben al-Arabi al-Alaoui [ar; fr].[22]

Career

[edit]

Early nationalist activity

[edit]

According to al-Fassi, he became politically conscious in 1925 when the French authorities attempted to appropriate water from the Oued Fes to divert it to French companies.[13] When he joined Qarawiyyin, he associated with the older students who started their nationalist activities in 1919.[17] Allal al-Fassi describing the development of early nationalism in Morocco and the influence of the Salafiya says:

The Moroccan youths found in the Salafiyah movement a field for action and a training center for disciplined service and sacrifice. They formed centers in Fez, Rabat, and Tetuan for participation in public affairs. Opposition to the sheikhs who had benefited from the protectorate regime was foremost in their program of action. Small study groups sprang up for investigating outstanding public issues and enlightening public opinion in regard to them. The Karaouiyine University at Fez was a meeting place for students from all parts of the land, and we considered it our duty to instill into them the spirit of the Salafiyah and the nationalist creeds.[23]

In 1926, he set up a nationalist newsletter called Umm al-Banin.[15][24] In 1927, along with other students at Qarawiyyin, al-Fassi founded the Students' Union which sought the purification of Islam and aimed to alter the teaching methods of the university. It joined with another group, Supporters of Truth, a student group in Rabat led by Ahmed Balafrej, in 1929 to form The Moroccan League.[25] By 1930, al-Fassi began to lecture at mosques, Quranic schools and the Qarawiyyin on the theme of the Prophet and the Rashidun caliphs.[17] Al-Fassi graduated with a degree in Islamic law in 1930[26] or 1932.[17] He used the public lectures and course on the life of the Prophet to express his political views like his disdain for the French Protectorate. This was seen as a threat by the French administration and by 1933, the Resident-General passed a dahir forbidding al-Fassi along with two other Qarawiyyin lecturers from public speaking.[27] He was also barred entry into Morocco in August 1933 after visiting France.[28] He along with his colleagues were removed from their position as ulama at Qarawiyyin.[29]

Beginnings of mass nationalist protest

[edit]
See also: Berber Dahir and Moroccan Plan of Reforms
Allal al-Fassi c. 1937.[30][31]

In response to the Berber Dahir being passed, Allal al-Fassi began to coordinate alongside other nationalists like Ahmed Balafrej[32] and aroused public protest against the dahir. In al-Fassi's view, the dahir was "barbaric" and an "attempt at the annihilation of native people" by suppressing Arab and Islamic culture while replacing it with pre-Islamic Berber customs.[26] Al-Fassi was arrested twice during these protests.[33] As a result of the Dahir, he also met prominent Lebanese Pan-Arabist Shakib Arslan.[34] He co-founded the first political party in Morocco, the National Action Bloc (Arabic: كتلة العمل الوطني, romanized: Kutlat al-ʿAmal al-Waṭanī; or the Kutla)[13][35] or Moroccan Action Committee [fr; ar][32] (French: Comité d'Action Marocaine; CAM)[36] founded in 1931,[13] 1933[32] or 1934.[17][37][38] This party emerged from the protest movement against the Berber Dahir.[39] Allal al-Fassi served as its president.[40][41] In February 1934, al-Fassi met with Sultan Mohammed.[42][43]

The Kutla published the Plan of Reforms (French: Plan de Réformes marocaines) in 1934 in both Arabic and French.[44] Allal al-Fassi was one of the ten signatories of the reform plan[39] and he took a copy to the Resident-General with Mohammed Diouri [ar; fr].[45] The demands of the reform plan included the abolition of the Berber Dahir, unification of legal systems under Maliki law, expansion of the education system open to Moroccans, the forming of municipal councils, the promotion of Moroccans into positions of power and making Arabic an official language.[43] The reform plan did not outright call for independence but sought reform and the restoring of confidence in the aims of the 1912 Treaty of Fes.[46][47][48] Allal al-Fassi discussing the reform plan says:

The reform program was an ingenious stratagem to reconcile the existing treaties with the interests of the country, in the economic section, for example, the Kutla advocated the open-door policy and free trade, in accordance with the resolutions of the Algeciras Conference. This platform was designed to appeal to the support of the left-wing parties in France and to the signatories of the Algeciras international conference; at the same time, it was agreeable to the best interests of Morocco under the circumstances.[49]

The plan was rejected by the French administration[50] and by 1937, the nationalist movement started to split.[51][52] The Kutla was also outlawed by the French protectorate in October 1937.[40][53] The Kutla split into the National Party [fr; ar] (Ḥizb al-Waṭanī) which al-Fassi co-led and the Popular Movement (Ḥaraka Shaʿbiyya) later the Party of Democracy and Independence (Ḥizb al-Shūrā wa-l-Istiqlāl) which was led by al-Fassi's former ally Mohamed Hassan Ouazzani.[13] Those that followed Allal al-Fassi in the split were often referred to as the Allaliyin or Wataniyin, while al-Fassi was referred to as "Shaykh Allal" or "Hajj Allal".[54][55][56] Traditionally, the split has been characterised as one between "traditionalists" and "Westernists" but this split was likely more to do with personality differences and disagreements over the structure of leadership.[53] Ideologically, al-Fassi's party was only reformist and although Ouazzani's party claimed to be more radical, the two parties were ideologically similar.[40] Out of the groups that split, al-Fassi's faction was able to garner the most success recruiting. This was due to his faction having an administrative structure, an annual national congress, a council that met quarterly and a permanent executive committee.[52]

Exile

[edit]
Allal al-Fassi c. 1949

After riots broke out throughout Morocco in 1937 in response to the French attempting to reroute the water supply of the Meknes area to irrigate French farms, Allal al-Fassi was exiled to Gabon.[40][52][57] In one document, the French justified the exile by accusing al-Fassi of conspiring to overthrow the protectorate to crown himself king. This was unlikely as al-Fassi had not made demands for independence at this point nor was he opposed to the monarchy. It is more likely he was exiled because his opposition to the French caused political instability.[57] He also spent some of his exile in the Congo.[58][59][60]

Despite being exiled, he still managed to maintain his influence over the nationalist movement. Scholar Ian Shaw says "His years of exile had given him the mystique of political martyrdom". He was isolated during this exile only being allowed to speak to his father but that too was restricted.[61] During al-Fassi's exile, Charles de Gaulle was in contact with him starting from 1941. De Gaulle aimed to use al-Fassi in a coup against the Vichy government in Morocco to bring it to the Free French fold but De Gaulle eventually broke off contact.[62] The Istiqlal Party was founded in January 1944 by former members of the Kutla. This party submitted their manifesto for independence[63][64] although al-Fassi did not sign it.[65] Allal al-Fassi was given the "purely honorary" role of zaʿīm of the Istiqlal.[66][67]

Allal al-Fassi (middle) with other Moroccan nationalists, Makki Nasiri, Abdelkhalek Torres and Ahmed Bensouda [fr] (from left to right) c. 1951

In 1947, Allal al-Fassi alongside other nationalist leaders returned to Morocco from exile.[68][69] This ten year period of exile only increased his legitimacy as a representative of the nation.[69][70] His return along with the return of other nationalists was met with huge banquets and parades in Fes and Rabat and helped expand the membership of his organisation.[68][69] After his return from exile, he became leader of Istiqlal and founded the newspaper Al-Alam.[71] Al-Fassi shortly left for Cairo to self-exile due to clashes with the king and the Istiqlal leadership[72][73] as well as the hardening of French policies in Morocco.[70] When he arrived in Egypt, Egyptian media and politicians were not interested in him.[74] Whilst in Cairo, he became a lecturer at Al-Azhar University.[70] Furthermore, he began collaborating with other nationalist leaders like Abd el-Krim al-Khattabi, Abdelkhalek Torres and Habib Bourguiba and they formed the Committee for the Liberation of the Arab Maghreb.[75] In 1952, al-Fassi went for a world tour to gain international support travelling to and lecturing in Europe, South America, North America and the Middle East.[75][76][77] He also went to the UN to plea the case for Moroccan independence and put pressure on France. While this only led to limited reforms by France, it raised awareness around the world for Moroccan independence.[75][76] This period in Cairo was when he wrote his most important writings like The Independence Movements in Arab North Africa (1947) and Self-Criticism (1951).[77]

Istiqlal party, Moroccan Liberation Army and post-independence

[edit]
See also: Istiqlal Party, Moroccan Army of Liberation, and Revolution of the King and the People
Allal al-Fassi met with leaders of the FLN like Larbi Ben M'hidi, Mohamed Boudiaf and Hocine Aït Ahmed in a meeting sponsored by Fathi Dib [ar].[78]

On 20 August 1953, Sultan Mohammed V was exiled by the French.[79] His exile led to the rise of militant nationalism in both urban and rural areas leading to the formation of clandestine armed groups like the Moroccan Army of Liberation (MLA).[80] The MLA initially praised Allal al-Fassi as their nominal leader[81] and al-Fassi was linked to the MLA through his cousin Abd al-Kabir al-Fassi.[82] On October 1 1955, the MLA launched an offensive against French outposts in the Taza region from Spanish Morocco. In Cairo, Allal al-Fassi announced that the MLA was engaged in a struggle to free Mohammed V and the rest of North Africa.[82][83][84] Al-Fassi refused to do any negotiaions with France until Mohammed V was allowed to returned.[85] Mohammed V returned the same year in November.[86]

In October 17, al-Fassi went to Tetouan from Cairo and toured the Spanish zone. He received enthusiastic crowds from cities like Tetouan, Larache and Ksar el-Kebir. However, al-Fassi, despite being accompanied with a MLA commander, never inquired into the morale or physical conditions of MLA troops. MLA and Istiqlal leaders met in March and after, Allal al-Fassi declared an end to the jihad. This led to the MLA high command responding with their own declaration saying that no one other than them spoke in their name or were able to mediate the relationship between them and the king.[81] Al-Fassi met Abdelkhalek Torres on 16 March 1956 and they agreed to join both their parties.[87] In March 1956, Morocco's declaration of independence was signed with Spain quitting the northern zone in April.[88]

Allal El Fassi giving a speech during a meeting of the Istiqlal party in September 1956

In July 1956, he put forward a map of Morocco in the Istiqlal newspaper, Al-Alam, which included all of Mauritania, parts of Western Algeria and a section of Northern Mali and all of the Spanish Sahara.[89][90] In al-Fassi's eyes, even despite Moroccan independence, North Africa would only be truly free when Algeria became independent and Morocco was restored to its "historic boundaries".[67] In the summer of 1956, Allal al-Fassi survived an assassination attempt against him near Boulemane (a rural Amazigh stronghold in the Middle Atlas) during a tour of the countryside where he devoted speeches dedicated to historical analyses of the common historical and religious background between the Berbers and the Arabs.[91][92]

Between 1947 and 1956, the Istiqlal went through a period of significant expansion.[93] In 1944, party membership was estimated was at around three thousand later expanding to ten thousand in 1947 and after 1952, one hundred thousand.[94] In the 50s, it eventually reached two hundred and fifty thousand members.[95] After Moroccan independance, al-Fassi was appointed secretary-general and later president for life of the Istiqlal.[96][97] By 1956, two factions emerged within the Istiqlal: a left wing and right wing.[93] In order to maintain its wavering dominance, the early Istiqlal-dominated government engaged in political repression which led to the anti-Istiqlal Rif Revolt. After the revolt, tensions began to grow in Moroccan society with much of the Moroccan population suffering from poverty and many opposing the continued presence of American military bases. This widened the gap between the two wings within the Istiqlal Party.[98]

The right wing of the party was made up of older leaders like Allal al-Fassi, Ahmed Belafrej and Mohamed Lyazidi whilst the left wing was made up of leaders of the MLA and younger leaders associated with the Moroccan Workers' Union. It came to include Mehdi Ben Barka[93] and Abderrahim Bouabid. The split was not just a disputes between personalities but was also about ideological differences. The left wing were democratic socialists who were believers in social welfare and state control of vital sectors of the economy.[99] They opposed the presence of American military bases, advocated for the holding of popular elections and introducing limits to the power of the monarchy.[98] The right wing, who made up the majority, were economically liberal and politically conservative.[99] They supported the continued presence of American bases as the government needed economic assistance from the US. They also did not want to hold popular elections out of fear of losing their power.[98]

Allal al-Fassi in a press conference about the expulsion of Mehdi Ben Barka's party on 29 January 1959.[100]

By spring of 1958, Mohammed V had given into most of the demands of the Istiqlal and appointed Ahmed Balafrej prime minister and foreign minister and Abderrahim Bouabid minister of finances and economy whilst keeping palace men in other key posts but in the summer of that same year, the left wing broke with the conservative leadership with the left wing denouncing the Balafrej government and calling a wave of strikes. Bouabid later resigned after the Rif Revolt. At first, Muhammad V went to Allal al-Fassi to work out a truce among the Istiqlal's factions.[99][101] Al-Fassi proposed giving the left wing several government posts but it was rejected by Bouabid as he insisted that Driss M'Hammedi should be minister of the interior due to his familiarity with the tribes [fr; ar] and ability to speak Berber.[101] When al-Fassi failed, Mohammed V lent his support to the left wing by appointing Moroccan Workers' Union leader Abdallah Ibrahim as prime minister.[98] The king did this to encourage the split within the party.[102] This plan was successful as it led to al-Fassi retiring from the party and the radical Ben Barka being excluded from the government. This eventually led to the formation of a new party led by Ben Barka called the National Union of Popular Forces (UNFP).[98] Allal al-Fassi later returned back to the leadership of the Istiqlal.[103]

Habib Bourguiba, Abdellah Guennoun and Allal al-Fassi presiding over a banquet in Tangier in April 1957

After independence, al-Fassi was appointed professor of law in the newly created University of Rabat.[96] On October 1957, a codification committee was established to codify the Mudawana.[104] Allal al-Fassi was selected to become the head[105] of the codification committee for the Mudawana.[106] He received the designation "reporter" (muqarrir).[107] The purpose of the Mudawana, according to anthropologist Jamila Bargach, was to try to reclaim the "pure uncorrupted sources of Islamic teachings, to shed their un-Islamic interpretations, all of this in a more accessible, more 'modern' format" and it was influenced by the Salafiya movement.[104] It claimed to uphold Maliki law but including things that diverged from Maliki norms.[107] Al-Fassi believed it impacted Islamic jurisprudence positively saying that the Mudawana "was considered by all a progressive [and] outstanding action in the framework of Islamic law."[108] Despite his involvement in the Mudawana, his progressive views on women were not incorporated into it.[109]

From June 1961 to January 1963,[77] Allal al-Fassi served briefly as Morocco's Minister of Islamic Affairs.[110] At this time, the Ministry only had a marginal role with the only purpose of overseeing the administration of waqf lands.[111] Under his ministership, the 1962 constitution introduced the title "Commander of the Faithful" for the king[112] and guaranteed a constitutional monarchy and parliament.[111] In 1961, in Tangier, the League of Moroccan ’Ulema was established with Allal al-Fassi as head.[112] He resigned as a result of the Bahai affair, which was the arrest of 14 Bahais in Nador in 1962 who were accused of proselytisation. Al-Fassi was one of the main supporters for their prosecution[113] and he even tried to go further than the king to show his commitment to the Islamic cause.[114] After international backlash, he resigned out of embarrassment.[113] He was elected to the Parliament in May 1963[4] and served until 1965.[9] Under Hassan II's rule, al-Fassi became part of the political opposition.[77][115] Despite his constitutional monarchism, he opposed Hassan's growing authoritarianism.[9] In 1971 and 1972, Morocco went through two subsequent coups.[116] Allal al-Fassi was present during the first coup and was among the injured.[117] As a result of the first coup, Hassan II invited both the Istiqlal and the UNFP to join the cabinet where they entered into an alliance called the National Bloc. They began talks with the palace but these talks shortly broke down when the king announced a new constitution without consulting the parties. The National Bloc subsequently boycotted the next constitutional referendum with Allal al-Fassi publicly turning down a renewed offer of participation in the government.[116]

Death

[edit]

He died of a heart attack on 13 May 1974,[118] on a visit to Romania where he was scheduled to meet with Nicolae Ceaușescu.[4] He was meeting Ceaușescu to lobby him to support Morocco's claim over the Spanish Sahara. He was succeeded as leader of the Istiqlal by M'hamed Boucetta.[116]

Views

[edit]

Arabism

[edit]
A meeting of nationalist revolutionaries from the Muslim World with Allal al-Fassi on the right

Allal al-Fassi wanted an independent Morocco that was closely linked to Arab culture and the Middle East[119] and he promoted a greater Arab identity.[120] He and the Istiqlal influenced Moroccan cultural policy to define Moroccan national identity in terms of its Arab and Islamic roots[97] and advocated for the support of the Arabic language and Islamic education.[121] He proposed that the phrase "Arab kingdom" be added to the 1962 constitution but this request was declined by the king.[122] He launched several public campaigns like, in 1970, a petition in favour of Arabisation signed by 500 intellectuals and Islamic scholars and published in the Istiqlal newspaper, Al-Alam.[97] He supported the Arab League.[123]

Salafism

[edit]

Allal al-Fassi was one of the most prominent Salafists in Morocco[124][125] and he became influenced by Salafism during his time at al-Qarawiyyin.[10] He advocated for what he called neo-Salafiyya (al-salafiyya al-jadida)[126][127] and belonged to a liberal trend of Salafism.[19] Allal al-Fassi has been associated with Islamic modernism.[128][129]

Al-Fassi differed greatly from "purist Salafis" who shared more similarities to Wahhabists from Saudi Arabia and also disapproved of his conception of Salafism.[130] Al-Fassi saw Salafism as a movement that meant Islamic revival and his definition of it was so broad that it could include any reformer since the 9th century as long as they affirmed tawhid, advocated for Islamic law, attempted to prevent the decline of the ummah or opposed despotism. This meant, for al-Fassi, that both Ibn Rushd and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab could be considered Salafis. He wanted students to read the Salafi writings of Rashid Rida and Muhammad Abduh who he claimed influenced the Salafist program of Morocco alongside Jamal al-Din al-Afghani.[131] According to scholars Frederic Wehrey and Anouar Boukhars, al-Fassi saw Salafism as "a constructive force that fostered progress and kindled nationalistic revolutionary consciousness".[124] Al-Fassi believed Salafism "was synonymous with nationalism".[19][132] In his eyes, Salafism was not about the interpretation of divine attributes or to do with a specific theological doctrine but he thought "true Salafism" meant acting in according with the Quran and Sunnah, agreeing with the requirements of "evolving modes of thought", caring for reason and reflecting on the human principles of the Quran.[131] Allal al-Fassi believed Morocco were was predisposed to Salafist reformism because of its Sufi heritage of piety and rigour.[127]

Sharia

[edit]

Al-Fassi advocated for Sharia to serve as the basis for the Moroccan legal system.[121] He sought the reactivation of ijtihad[133] and was hostile to Maliki law.[124][134] Despite this hostility to Maliki law, he advocated for a judicial system based in Maliki law[135] and the Mudawana he was involved in codifying was based of Maliki law.[136][137] Allal al-Fassi opposed customary law in Morocco which he labelled as jahili, a "pre-Islamic custom" that had to be abolished. He thought it was equally "horrific" to the customs of some African tribes and he believed customary law deprived women of rights that were granted to them by the Sharia like inheritance.[138] Allal al-Fassi strove to purify Islamic law from later innovations and customary elements which hampered achieving social justice. The codification of family law through the Mudawana functioned as the first step in the Islamisation of the entire legal system.[136] In the context of Islamic law, scholar of Islamic studies, Wael Hallaq, places Allal al-Fassi in the camp of legal reformers that he calls the utilitarianists who aimed to stay within limits of traditional Islamic legal theories and methodologies whilst also considering the need to modernise the legal system.[139]

Greater Morocco

[edit]
Main article: Greater Morocco
Greater Morocco as claimed by the Istiqlal Party, 1956.[140] Allal al-Fassi put forward this map of the "Moroccan Sharifian Kingdom in her natural and historical borders".[89]

Allal al-Fassi was the thinker behind "Greater Morocco"[90] which he believed were the territories historically part of Morocco[141] before colonialism truncated Morocco's borders. In July 1956, he put forward a map of Greater Morocco in the Istiqlal newspaper, Al-Alam, which included all of Mauritania, parts of Western Algeria and a section of Northern Mali and all of the Spanish Sahara.[89][90] He did not think the independence of Morocco would be complete without these territories:

... so long as Tangier is not liberated from its international status, so long as the Spanish deserts of the south, the Sahara from Tindouf and Atar and the Algerian-Moroccan borderlands are not liberated from their trusteeship, our independence will remain incomplete and our first duty will be to carry on action to liberate the country and to unify it.[140]

Initially, only a few were interested in Greater Morocco but in part because of Allal al-Fassi's charisma it gradually won over the support of the rest of the Moroccan government.[124]

Women's rights

[edit]

Allal al-Fassi supported the emancipation of women.[124][142] In the eyes of many contemporary Moroccan feminists, al-Fassi is hailed as the champion of Moroccan women's liberation.[143] Al-Fassi viewed the liberation of women as part of the liberation of the entire nation from colonialism rather than the domestic patriarchy. He supported women's education and employment because he believed it would positively impact Morocco's economic development while showing Morocco was part of the civilised and developed world. Despite this, he still maintained patriarchal ideas about women's and men's roles in society.[143] He called for the ban of polygamy.[144][145] Although, he only opposed polygamy because he thought it tarnished the image of modern Islam rather than it harming women.[146][147] Al-Fassi's views on women were discussed in the last section of his book Self Criticism called "Social Thought" where he promoted the nuclear family as the basic unit of the nation, discussed the threats of prostitution, supported Islamic law's treatment of women as opposed to Berber customary law and discussed reforms related to polygamy and divorce.[148] Allal al-Fassi was part of the codification commission of the Mudawana[106] and served as its head.[105][149][150] Despite this, his liberal ideas on women were not integrated into the Mudawana.[109]

On Jews and Zionism

[edit]

Allal al-Fassi opposed the migration of Moroccan Jews into Israel saying "This would be to offer hundreds of rich and healthy Zionists to Israel in order to inhabit an Arab land and make war against our Arab brothers: our indulgence has its limits!"[151]

Al-Fassi while he was a government minister denied the Moroccan identity of Jews in Morocco:[152]

He who says Moroccan, says Muslim. Moroccan nationality was created by the French Protectorate. All Moroccans are Muslim: the 'Moroccan' Jew is only a dhimmi.[153]

Two years later, critiquing the Moroccan government's rapprochement with Israel,[154] he said "Morocco is a Jewish State. It is led by Jews and foreigners."[155]

Literature

[edit]
Allal al-Fassi in his office, c. 1951
Moroccan literature
Moroccan writers
Forms
Criticism and awards
See also

In 1925, Al-Fassi published his first book of poems.[4] In total, al-Fassi wrote forty five books and articles.[156] Some of Allal al-Fassi's works include:

  • Madkhal fī al-naẓariyya al-ʿāmma li-dirāsat al-fiqh al-Islāmī wamuqāranatuhu bi-l-fiqh al-ajnabī (Rabat: Muʾassasat ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, 1985), 148–50.[157]
  • "Munāqashat al-mīzāniyya al-farʿiyya li-wizārat al-ʿadl." In al-Adāʾ al-barlamānī lil-zaʿīm ʿAllāl al-Fāsī. Rabat: Muʾassasat ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, 2010.[158]
  • Rasāʾil tashhad ʿalā l-tarīkh. Rabat: Muʾassasat ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, 2006.[158]
  • Al-Ḥarakāt al-Istiqlāliyya fī l-Maghrib al-ʿArabī. Sixth Edition. Casablanca: Muʾassasat ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, 2003.[158]
    • Translated as "The Independence Movements in Arab North Africa"[4][159] by Hazem Zaki Nuseibeh.[160]
  • Al-Taqrīb: Sharḥ Mudawwanat al-Aḥwāl al-Shakhṣiyya al-kitābān al-awwal wa-l-thānī. Rabat: Muʾassasat ʿAllāl al-Fāsī, 2000.[158]
  • Difāʿan ʿan al-Sharīʿa (In Defence of Shariʿa).[161] Second Edition. Beirut: Manshūrāt al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth, 1972.[158]
  • Al-Naqd al-Dhātī (Self Criticism) Rabat: Matba'at al-Risala, 1979.[160][162]
    • Problématique d’une pensée contemporaine. (translated excerpt of al-Naqd al-Dhātī, pp. 81-91) in A. Abdel-Malek, Anthologie de la littérature arabe contemporaine: les essays. Paris: Seuil, 1965.[160]
  • Défense de la Loi Islamique. Translated by Charles Samara. Casablanca: L'Imprimerie Eddar el Beida, 1977.
  • Al-ʿAlāqah bayn al-Falsafah wa bayn al-Dīn Hasab Kutub al-Tahāfut al-Thalathah. (The relationship between philosophy and religion based on the books Al-Tahāfut al-Thalathah) Da'wat al-Ḥaqq 1 (January 1958): 4-11.
  • Al-ʿAmal fī al-Islām. (Work in Islam) Al-Īmām 1 (February 1964): 23-29.
  • ʿAqīdah wa Jihād. (Faith and struggle) Rabat: Al-Mațbaʿah al-Iqtiṣādiyyah, 1960.
  • Badīl al-Badīl. (The alternative of the alternative) Casablanca: Dār al-Kītab, n.d.
  • Dāʾiman maʿa al-Shaʿb. (Always with the people) Rabat: Maṭbaʿat al-Umniyyah, n.d.
  • Al-Daʿwat al-Islāmiyyah. (Islamic missionary work) Al-Īmām 2 (June 1965): 6-11.
  • Défense de la Loi Islamique. Translated by Charles Samara. Casablanca: L’Imprimerie Eddar el Beida, 1977.
  • Difāʿan ʿan al-Aṣālah. (Defending authenticity) Rabat: Maṭbaʿat al-ʿUmniyyah, n.d.
  • Al-Dīmuqrāṭiyyah Khulq. (Democracy is a moral) Al-Bayyinnah 1 (December 1962): i-iii.
  • Faʿāliyyat al-Lughah al-ʿArabiyyah. (The effectiveness of the Arabic language) Al-Lisān al-ʿArabī 3 (August 1965): 8-26.
  • Fī al-Badʾ kānat al-Kalimah. (“In the Beginning it was Words”) Al-Bayyinnah 1 (June 1962): 3-6.
  • Ḥadīth al-Maghrib fī al-Mashriq. (The Story of East and West) Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿah al-ʿĀlamiyyah, 1956.[160]
    • "al-Ḥaraka al-Salafiyya fī l-Maghrib." In Ḥadīth al-Maghrib fī l-Mashriq. Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-ʿĀlamiyya, 1956.[158]
  • Hal al-Islām fī Ḥājah ʾilā Falsafah? (Does Islam need philosophy?) Part 1. Al-Īmām 1 (December 1963): 8-12; Part 2. Al-Imām 1 (January 1964): 21-28.
  • Ḥasanatayn. (Two good deeds) Al-Īmām 1 (June-July 1964): 24-29.
  • Insāniyyah al-Muslimīn. (Muslim humanity) Al-Bayyinnah 2 (January 1963): 3-5.
  • Al-Islām wa Nazariyyat Jaysīl (Gesell). (Islam and Gesell’s Theory) Daʿwat al-Ḥaqq 3 (April 1959): 6-8.
  • Al-Istiʿmār al-Lughawī. (Linguistic colonization) Al-Bayyinnah 1 (October 1962): 3-5.
  • Kasr al-Ḥājiz. (Breaking the barrier) Al-Bayyinnah 2 (February 1963): 3-5.
  • Al-Khuṭūṭ al-Sharʿiyyah. (The legal ways) Al-Bayyinnah 1 (October 1962): 77-101.
  • Lā Shuyūʿiyyah wa lā Raʾsmāliyyah. (Neither communism nor capitalism) Daʿwat al-Ḥaqq 1 (August 1957): 7 + 24.
  • Maʿrakat Wādī al-Makhāzin. (Fight of the Makhāzin River) Rabat: Maṭbaʿat al-Risālah, 1978.
  • Maʿrakat al-Yawm wa al-Ghad. (Fight of today and tomorrow) Rabat: n.p., 1965.
  • Manhaj al-Istiqlāliyyah. (Ideology of the Istiqlāl) Rabat: Maṭbaʿat al-Risālah, 1962.
  • Maqāṣid al-Sharīʿa al-Islāmiyyah wa Makārimuhā. (Objectives of the sharīʿa and its noble characteristics) Casablanca: Maṭbaʿat al-Waḥdah Al-ʿArabiyyah, n.d.
  • "Le Mariage Mixte." In Écrivains Marocains. Du Protectorate à 1965. Anthologie. Translated by Mohammed Ben-Jelloun. Paris: Sinbad, 1974, p. 66-69.
  • The Mediterranean Civilization. New Outlook 2 (November 1958): 43-45.
  • "Mission of the Islamic ʿUlema". Translated by Hassan Abdin Mohammed. In I. Zartman, Man, State, and Society in the Contemporary Maghrib. London: Pall Mall, 1973, p. 151-158.
  • Muqadimāt li Dirāsāt Taʾrīkh al-Tashrīʿ al-Islāmī (Introduction to the studies of the history of Islamic principles) Part 1. Al-Bayyinah 1 (September 1962): 60-86; Part 2. Al-Bayyinah 2 (February 1963): 74-97.
  • Mustaqbal al-Lughah al-ʿArabiyyah. (The future of the Arabic language) Part 1. Al-Bayyinah 2 (January 1963): 109-121; Part 2, Al-Bayyinah 2 (February 1963): 74-97.
  • Nashʾat al-Fikr al-Islāmī al-Ḥadīth. (Birth of modern Islamic thought). Al-Īmān 2 (April 1965): 7-17.
  • Nidāʾ al-Qāhirah. (Voice of Cairo) Rabat: Al-Maṭbaʿah al-Iqtiṣādiyyah, n.d.
  • Al-Niẓām al-Qaḍāʾī. (The judiciary system) Al-Bayyinah 1 (November 1962): 103-123.
  • Notre plan pour la réforme de l’enseignement: memorandum présenté par le parti de l’Istiqlal en réponse à la consultation royale sur les problèmes de l’enseignement. (Août 1966). Bulletin économique et social du Maroc 143-4 (1981): 279-285.
  • Al-Qaḍāʾ baʿd al-Istiqlāl. (Justice after independence) Al-Bayyinah 1 (December 1962): 82-106.
  • Qaḍāyā al-Ḥurriyyah al-Dīniyyah. (The question of religious freedom). Al-Īmān 1 (April 1964): 33-41.
  • Qaḍiyyat al-Muslimīn al-ʿŪlā. (The paramount issues of Muslims). Al-Bayyinah 1 (September 1962): i–iii.
  • Quwwat al-Ḥaqq. (Power of truth). Al-Bayyinah 1 (November 1962): i–iii.
  • Al-Ṣawm. (Fasting) Al-Īmān 2 (March 1965): 51-54.
  • Al-Shaykh Muḥammad ʿAbduh. (Shaikh Muhammad ʿAbduh) Part 1. Daʿwat al-Ḥaqq 1 (March 1958): 1-9; Part 2. Daʿwat al-Ḥaqq 1 (April 1958): 18-27.[160]

Self-Criticism

[edit]

Self-Criticism (Al-Naqd al-Dhātī), published in 1952, has been described as his "most deeply thoughtful and original work"[9] and "magnum opus". It served as a guide to a would-be independent Morocco and its youth and elites.[163] Self-Criticism was dedicated to his belief in the reform of the Moroccan mind as he believed authentic Islam had been corrupted by despotism, colonialism, and ignorance.[9] In this book, he presented a blueprint of an Islamic state and society based in the movement of Muhammad Abduh.[164]

Personal life

[edit]
Nizar Baraka, Secretary-General of the Istiqlal and Allal al-Fassi's grandson

The extended al-Fassi family [fr] are found throughout prominent positions in government, the economy, and media in Morocco. The al-Fassi family is specifically very influential in the Istiqlal Party.[165] His cousins were also involved in the nationalist movement and post-independence politics. Mohamed El Fassi for example was the Minister of Education[166] and played a key role in the North African Muslim Students Association [fr; ar].[37] He was married to another cousin Malika al-Fassi, a prominent nationalist spokeswoman[167] who was the only female signatory of the Independence Manifesto.[168] Another cousin, Abd al-Kabir al-Fassi, was a leader of the Moroccan Army of Liberation.[82] Allal al-Fassi's wife was also involved in politics collecting jewellery to sell in support of the war effort of the Arab-Israeli War.[169]

Allal al-Fassi had 5 children:[170]

  • Um al-Mabneen al-Fassi; She married Secretary-General of the Istiqlal, Abbas El Fassi.
  • Awatif al-Fassi; She married member of the Istiqlal until his expulsion in 2013, Mohamed El Ouafa.
  • Hani al-Fassi.
  • Leila al-Fassi; She is the mother of minister Nizar Baraka.
  • Abdelouahed al-Fassi [fr; ar]; he was a candidate for leadership in 2012.

Despite his support for Arabisation and Islam, he educated his children in francophone secular schools. His first-born son became a cardiologist.[171]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Schriber 2024, pp. 351–352. "Allal al-Fassi, or the zaʿīm (“great leader”) as his partisans called him, played an active role in the Moroccan nationalist movement, religious establishment, party politics, and bureaucracy."
  2. ^ Lauzière 2015, p. 23. "The distinction is important, for, as we shall see, the leading exponent of modernist Salafism in the mid-twentieth century—the Moroccan ʿAllal al-Fasi—did not even adhere to Salafi theology. Rather, he was a vocal advocate of Ashʿari theology—a strange irony indeed."
  3. ^ Hashas, Mohammed (2020-09-25). "The Trusteeship Paradigm The Formation and Reception of a Philosophy". In Hashas, Mohammed; al-Khatib, Mutaz (eds.). Islamic Ethics and the Trusteeship Paradigm: Taha Abderrahmane's Philosophy in Comparative Perspectives: الأخلاق الإسلامية ونسق الائتمانية: مقاربات في فلسفة طه عبد الرحمن (in Arabic). Brill. p. 38. ISBN 978-90-04-43835-4. JSTOR 10.1163/j.ctv1sr6hf2.8.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i Reference Library of Arab America: International Arab figures. Vol. 2. Gale Group. 1999. pp. 25–26. ISBN 978-0-7876-4174-0.
  5. ^ Ryser, Sarah (2021-01-06). "The Anti-Politics Machine of Green Energy Development: The Moroccan Solar Project in Ouarzazate and Its Impact on Gendered Local Communities". In Haller, Tobias; Käser, Fabian; Ngutu, Mariah (eds.). Does Commons Grabbing Lead to Resilience Grabbing? The Anti-Politics Machine of Neo-Liberal Development and Local Responses. MDPI. p. 194. ISBN 978-3-03943-839-6.
  6. ^ Encyclopedia of World Biography, Gale Research Inc, Edition: 2, Published by Gale Research, 1998, ISBN 978-0-7876-2541-2, p. 167
  7. ^ Reynolds, Guy (2008-01-01). Apostles of Modernity: American Writers in the Age of Development. University of Nebraska Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-8032-1646-4.
  8. ^ Guerin, Adam (2015-03-15). "'Not a drop for the settlers': reimagining popular protest and anti-colonial nationalism in the Moroccan Protectorate". The Journal of North African Studies. 20 (2): 229. doi:10.1080/13629387.2014.917586. ISSN 1362-9387.
  9. ^ a b c d e f Michalak, Belhaj (2014). "Fāsī, Muḥammad ʿAllāl al-.". In Abdessamad, Emad El-Din (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Politics. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 328–329. ISBN 9780199739356.
  10. ^ a b c Bidwell, Robin (2012-10-12). Dictionary Of Modern Arab History. Routledge. pp. 137–138. ISBN 978-1-136-16291-6.
  11. ^ Fleet, Kate; Krämer, Gudrun; Matringe, Denis; Nawas, John; Rowson, Everett (eds.). "al-Fāsī family". Encyclopaedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill Online. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_27016. ISSN 1873-9830.
  12. ^ a b Mogilski 2006, p. 39
  13. ^ a b c d e Schriber 2024, p. 354
  14. ^ Howe 2005, p. 68
  15. ^ a b c Bano, Masooda (2015-03-20). Shaping Global Islamic Discourses. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1-4744-0348-1.
  16. ^ Mogilski 2006, p. 40
  17. ^ a b c d e Johnston 2007, p. 84
  18. ^ Mohammed, Bek; Zine, Abdallah; Abdesslame, Akkache (2024-12-21). "Moroccan leader Allal El Fassi and the Algerian revolution". Journal for ReAttach Therapy and Developmental Diversities. 7 (6): 492. doi:10.53555/jrtdd.v7i6.3371 (inactive 26 August 2025). ISSN 2589-7799.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of August 2025 (link)
  19. ^ a b c Bruce, Benjamin (2018-08-25). Governing Islam Abroad: Turkish and Moroccan Muslims in Western Europe. Springer. p. 52. ISBN 978-3-319-78664-3.
  20. ^ Bulutgil, H. Zeynep (2022). The Origins of Secular Institutions: Ideas, Timing, and Organization. Oxford University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-19-759844-3.
  21. ^ Dwyer, Kevin (2016-03-22). Arab Voices: The human rights debate in the Middle East. Routledge. p. 127. ISBN 978-1-317-24591-9.
  22. ^ Ayoob, Mohammed (2014-03-26). The Politics of Islamic Reassertion (RLE Politics of Islam). Routledge. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-134-61110-2.
  23. ^ Howe 2005, pp. 67–68
  24. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 206
  25. ^ Mogilski 2006, p. 42
  26. ^ a b Mogilski 2006, p. 43
  27. ^ Mogilski 2006, pp. 45–46
  28. ^ Sater 2016, p. 26
  29. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 36
  30. ^ "Allal al-Fassi". Archiwa Państwowe. Retrieved 2025-08-28.
  31. ^ "Portrait Of Alla El Fassi In 1937, Founder Of Istiqlal, Party..." Getty Images. 2010-11-04. Retrieved 2025-08-28.
  32. ^ a b c Cabré, Yolanda Aixelà (2018). "Imazighen and Arabs in the Spanish Protectorate : A Review of the Construction on the Contemporary Moroccan Nation". In Cabré, Yolanda Aixelà (ed.). In the Footsteps of Spanish Colonialism in Morocco and Equatorial Guinea: The Handling of Cultural Diversity and the Socio-Political Influence of Transnational Migration. LIT Verlag Münster. p. 51. ISBN 978-3-643-91010-3.
  33. ^ Pennell 2000, pp. 213–214
  34. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 31
  35. ^ Fenner 2023, p. 37
  36. ^ Powers, Holiday (2025-01-28). Moroccan Modernism. Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-2581-7.
  37. ^ a b Goebel, Michael (2015-08-25). Anti-Imperial Metropolis. Cambridge University Press. p. 143. ISBN 978-1-107-07305-0.
  38. ^ Ouaknine-Yekutieli, Orit (2024-04-30). Thami al-Glaoui. Edinburgh University Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-3995-2069-0.
  39. ^ a b Cabré, Yolanda Aixelà (2018). "Imazighen and Arabs in the Spanish Protectorate : A Review of the Construction on the Contemporary Moroccan Nation". In Cabré, Yolanda Aixelà (ed.). In the Footsteps of Spanish Colonialism in Morocco and Equatorial Guinea: The Handling of Cultural Diversity and the Socio-Political Influence of Transnational Migration. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 57–58. ISBN 978-3-643-91010-3.
  40. ^ a b c d Zisenwine, Daniel (2010-09-30). The Emergence of Nationalist Politics in Morocco: The Rise of the Independence Party and the Struggle Against Colonialism After World War II. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 16–17. ISBN 978-0-85771-853-2.
  41. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 245
  42. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 231
  43. ^ a b Bulutgil, H. Zeynep (2022). The Origins of Secular Institutions: Ideas, Timing, and Organization. Oxford University Press. p. 157. ISBN 978-0-19-759844-3.
  44. ^ Miller 2013, p. 129
  45. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 232
  46. ^ Miller 2013, p. 134. "Strikingly, the Plan did not call for an independent Morocco or separation from France; instead, it aimed at “ restoring confidence in the work of France in Morocco ” and demanded greater Moroccan participation in government, a more cooperative relationship with the Residency, and a more faithful execution of the provisions of the 1912 Treaty of Fez...The decision to work within the framework of the Residency was sincere, for at that moment, the nationalist leadership still did not visualize Morocco without France. But that did not mean a relationship of servility or abuse. At a fundamental level, the Plan launched a frontal assault on the colonial mentality and the corrupt practices it had engendered; namely, the racism, discrimination, and anti-liberalism that allowed Moroccans to be treated as inferiors."
  47. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, pp. 159–160. "It summarized their reformist agenda, which still accepted and assumed a Franco-Moroccan protectorate framework but appealed to the “protector” to do a better job of fulfilling the mandate of the Treaty of Fes."
  48. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 232. "The Plan de Réformes called not for independence but for a true application of the Treaty of Fez, a real Protectorate. Its long preamble explained that Moroccan sovereignty had not been extinguished in 1912, and that under the treaty, the Sultan continued to embody the Moroccan identity. The purpose of the Protectorate was reform, which was also the wish of the Moroccan population, so that a 'real' Protectorate was therefore a democratic demand. Nowhere was there any recognition of a possible conflict between these democratic ideals and the authority of the Sultan."
  49. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 160
  50. ^ Miller 2013, p. 135
  51. ^ Chenntouf, Tayeb (1993-12-31). "The Horn and North Africa, 1935-45: crises and change". In Mazrui, Ali A.; Wondji, Christophe (eds.). General History of Africa: Africa since 1935. UNESCO Publishing. p. 40. ISBN 978-92-3-102758-1.
  52. ^ a b c Blair, Leon Borden (2014-01-30). Western Window in the Arab World. University of Texas Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-292-76519-1.
  53. ^ a b Lawrence, Adria (2013-09-16). Imperial Rule and the Politics of Nationalism: Anti-Colonial Protest in the French Empire. Cambridge University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-1-107-03709-0.
  54. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 151
  55. ^ Katz, Jonathan G. (2002). "Zāwiya". In Bearman, P. J.; Bianquis, Th.; Bosworth, C. E.; van Donzel, E. & Heinrichs, W. P. (eds.). The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Volume XI: W–Z. Leiden: E. J. Brill. p. 468. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_1384. ISBN 978-90-04-12756-2. "Although the zāwiyas have generally been opposed by nationalists in North Africa, significantly the organisational model of the zāwiya was employed in Morocco by the Istiḳlāl or Independence Party [see ḥizb. i, at Vol. III, 525]. Its leader ʿAllāl al-Fāsī [q.v. in Suppl.] was referred to as the s̲h̲ayk̲h̲, and party members, self-styled ik̲h̲wān, called themselves ʿAllāliyya and ʿAllāliyyūn, organised local chapters known as ṭāʾifas, and levied dues known as ziyāra."
  56. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 44. "More interesting for the future of the party was the introduction of recruitment techniques in the bled, perhaps not purposefully, not unlike the procedures used by the brotherhoods. Al-Fassi was frequently referred to as "sheikh," leading members as "Allaliynes," and the dues as "ziara," all terms used by the brotherhoods."
  57. ^ a b Mogilski 2006, p. 49
  58. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 169
  59. ^ Lauzière 2015, p. 149
  60. ^ Cheema, Zainab (1 November 2013). "Reflecting on the legacy of 'Allal al-Fassi". Crescent International. Retrieved 2022-02-03.
  61. ^ Mogilski 2006, pp. 49–50
  62. ^ Blair, Leon Borden (2014-01-30). Western Window in the Arab World. University of Texas Press. p. 100. ISBN 978-0-292-76519-1.
  63. ^ Lawrence, Adria K. (2013-09-16). Imperial Rule and the Politics of Nationalism: Anti-Colonial Protest in the French Empire. Cambridge University Press. p. 178. ISBN 978-1-107-43468-4.
  64. ^ Clayton, Anthony (2012-12-06). "Emergency in Morocco, 1950-56". In Holland, Robert (ed.). Emergencies and Disorder in the European Empires After 1945. Vol. 21. Routledge. p. 132. doi:10.1080/03086539308582910. ISBN 978-1-136-29725-0.
  65. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 265
  66. ^ Fenner 2023, p. 38
  67. ^ a b Ashford, Douglas Elliott (2015-12-08). National Development and Local Reform: Political Participation in Morocco, Tunisia, and Pakistan. Princeton University Press. p. 326. ISBN 978-1-4008-7457-6.
  68. ^ a b Hissong, Kristin (2020-10-01). Nationalism and Jewish Identity in Morocco: A History of a Minority Community. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 113. ISBN 978-1-83860-738-8.
  69. ^ a b c Wyrtzen 2016, p. 175
  70. ^ a b c Johnston 2007, p. 85
  71. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 270
  72. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 236
  73. ^ Mogilski 2006, p. 50
  74. ^ Stenner, David (2016-04-02). "'Bitterness towards Egypt' – the Moroccan nationalist movement, revolutionary Cairo and the limits of anti-colonial solidarity". Cold War History. 16 (2): 160. doi:10.1080/14682745.2015.1100605. ISSN 1468-2745.
  75. ^ a b c Mogilski 2006, p. 51
  76. ^ a b Ashford 1961, p. 71
  77. ^ a b c d Michalak, Laurence O. (2009). "Fāsī, Muḥammad ʿAllāl al-.". In Esposito, John L. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. Oxford University Press. p. 225. ISBN 9780195305135.
  78. ^ Connelly, Matthew (2002-04-11). A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria's Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era. Oxford University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-19-988180-2.
  79. ^ Hibou, Béatrice; Tozy, Mohamed (2025-04-15). Weaving Political Time in Morocco: The Imaginary of the State in the Neoliberal Age. Oxford University Press. p. 44. ISBN 978-0-19-783475-6.
  80. ^ Howe 2005, p. 83
  81. ^ a b Wyrtzen 2016, p. 279
  82. ^ a b c Bidwell, Robin (2012-10-12). Dictionary Of Modern Arab History. Routledge. p. 52. ISBN 978-1-136-16291-6.
  83. ^ Howe 2005, p. 88
  84. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 85
  85. ^ Mogilski 2006, p. 52
  86. ^ Baers, Michael (2022-10-10). A History of the Western Sahara Conflict: The Paper Desert. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 145. ISBN 978-1-5275-8573-7.
  87. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 293
  88. ^ Miller 2013, p. 159
  89. ^ a b c Lecocq, Baz (2010-11-15). Disputed Desert: Decolonization, Competing Nationalisms and Tuareg Rebellions in Mali. Brill. p. 62. ISBN 978-90-04-19028-3.
  90. ^ a b c Zunes, Stephen; Mundy, Jacob (2010-08-04). Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution. Syracuse University Press. p. 36. ISBN 978-0-8156-5258-8.
  91. ^ Sater 2016, p. 31
  92. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 201
  93. ^ a b c Bulutgil, H. Zeynep (2022). The Origins of Secular Institutions: Ideas, Timing, and Organization. Oxford University Press. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-19-759844-3.
  94. ^ Miller 2013, p. 148
  95. ^ Hinnebusch, Raymond (2008-09-02). "Political Parties and Trade Unions". In Choueiri, Youssef M. (ed.). A Companion to the History of the Middle East. John Wiley & Sons. p. 345. ISBN 978-1-4051-8379-6.
  96. ^ a b Mogilski 2006, p. 53
  97. ^ a b c Jebari, Idriss (2017-12-05). "An Intellectual Between the Maghreb and the Mashreq: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Location of Thought". In Eyadat, Zaid; Corrao, Francesca M.; Hashas, Mohammed (eds.). Islam, State, and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 83. ISBN 978-1-137-59760-1.
  98. ^ a b c d e Storm, Lise (2007-10-29). Democratization in Morocco: The Political Elite and Struggles for Power in the Post-Independence State. Routledge. pp. 16–17. ISBN 978-1-134-06738-1.
  99. ^ a b c Howe 2005, pp. 99–100
  100. ^ "A picture taken on January 29, 1959 in Rabat shows Moroccan founder..." Getty Images. 2020-02-03. Retrieved 2025-08-28.
  101. ^ a b Ashford 1961, p. 108
  102. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 308
  103. ^ Ashford 1961, p. 415
  104. ^ a b Bargach, Jamila (2002-02-26). Orphans of Islam: Family, Abandonment, and Secret Adoption in Morocco. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. p. 67. ISBN 978-1-4616-4043-1.
  105. ^ a b Baker, Alison (1998-01-01). Voices of Resistance: Oral Histories of Moroccan Women. SUNY Press. p. 30. ISBN 978-0-7914-3621-9.
  106. ^ a b Schriber 2024, p. 351
  107. ^ a b Schriber 2024, pp. 359–360
  108. ^ Schriber 2024, p. 362
  109. ^ a b Sadiqi, Fatima (2013-09-13). "The Central Role of the Family Law in the Moroccan Feminist Movement". In Salhi, Zahia Smail (ed.). Gender and Diversity in the Middle East and North Africa. Vol. 35. Routledge. pp. 325–337. ISBN 978-1-317-98907-3. JSTOR 20455613.
  110. ^ Schriber 2024, p. 355
  111. ^ a b Mogilski 2006, pp. 53–54
  112. ^ a b Sater 2016, p. 39
  113. ^ a b Schriber 2024, pp. 355–356
  114. ^ Bayat, Asef (2013-08-01). Post-Islamism: The Many Faces of Political Islam. Oxford University Press USA. ISBN 978-0-19-976606-2.
  115. ^ Baers, Michael (2022-10-10). A History of the Western Sahara Conflict: The Paper Desert. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 196. ISBN 978-1-5275-8573-7.
  116. ^ a b c Fenner 2023, p. 44
  117. ^ Sater 2016, pp. 43–44
  118. ^ "Allal el Fassoi, 82, Dead; Top Moroccan Nationalist". The New York Times. 13 May 1974.
  119. ^ Howe 2005, p. 172
  120. ^ Gray, Doris H. (2012-11-08). Beyond Feminism and Islamism: Gender and Equality in North Africa. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 215. ISBN 978-0-85772-529-5.
  121. ^ a b Ayoob, Mohammed (2014-03-26). The Politics of Islamic Reassertion (RLE Politics of Islam). Routledge. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-134-61110-2.
  122. ^ Aslan, Senem (2015). Nation Building in Turkey and Morocco. Cambridge University Press. p. 109. ISBN 978-1-107-05460-8.
  123. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 276
  124. ^ a b c d e Wehrey, Frederic M.; Boukhars, Anouar (2019). Salafism in the Maghreb: Politics, Piety, and Militancy. Oxford University Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-19-094240-3.
  125. ^ Lauzière 2015, p. 133
  126. ^ Spadola, Emilio (2018-07-03). "The Call of Communication: Mass Media and Reform in Interwar Morocco". In Eickelman, Dale F. (ed.). Middle Eastern and North African Societies in the Interwar Period. Brill. p. 103. ISBN 978-90-04-36949-8.
  127. ^ a b Spadola, Emilio (2013-12-25). The Calls of Islam: Sufis, Islamists, and Mass Mediation in Urban Morocco. Indiana University Press. pp. 31–32. ISBN 978-0-253-01145-9.
  128. ^ Curtis IV, Edward E. (2012-02-01). Islam in Black America: Identity, Liberation, and Difference in African-American Islamic Thought. State University of New York Press. p. 122. ISBN 978-0-7914-8859-1.
  129. ^ Sadiqi, Fatima (2025-03-31). Daesh Ideology and Women's Rights in the Maghreb. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1-3995-3688-2.
  130. ^ Lauzière, Henri (2012-08-06). "The Religious Dimension of Islamism Sufism, Salafism, and politics in Morocco". In Shehata, Samer (ed.). Islamist Politics in the Middle East: Movements and Change. Routledge. p. 97. doi:10.4324/9780203126318. ISBN 978-1-136-45536-0.
  131. ^ a b Lauzière 2015, pp. 149–151
  132. ^ Belhachmi, Zakia (2008-01-01). Women, Education, and Science within the Arab-Islamic Socio-Cultural History: Legacies for Social Change. Brill. p. 35. ISBN 978-90-8790-579-8.
  133. ^ Cuno, Kenneth M.; Desai, Manisha (2009-12-28). Family, Gender, and Law in a Globalizing Middle East and South Asia. Syracuse University Press. p. 151. ISBN 978-0-8156-5148-2.
  134. ^ Bruce, Benjamin (2018-08-25). Governing Islam Abroad: Turkish and Moroccan Muslims in Western Europe. Springer. p. 53. ISBN 978-3-319-78664-3. This suspicion extended even to certain members of the religious establishment and the ulema, in that Allal al-Fassi had shown himself to be hostile to Morocco's Maliki school of jurisprudence, which he saw as an impediment to the use of reason and an obstacle to a more dynamic and engaged understanding of Islam.
  135. ^ Boutieri 2016, p. 122
  136. ^ a b Dupret, Baudouin (2021-06-24). Positive Law from the Muslim World: Jurisprudence, History, Practices. Cambridge University Press. p. 168. ISBN 978-1-108-84521-2.
  137. ^ Salih, Ruba (2013-01-11). Gender in Transnationalism: Home, Longing and Belonging Among Moroccan Migrant Women. Routledge. p. 49. ISBN 978-1-136-60499-7.
  138. ^ Abaza, Mona (2009-12-04). "'Ada/Custom in the Middle East and Southeast Asia". In Gluck, Carol; Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt (eds.). Words in Motion: Toward a Global Lexicon. Duke University Press. p. 76. doi:10.1215/9780822391104-005. ISBN 978-0-8223-9110-4.
  139. ^ Mogilski 2006, pp. 56–57
  140. ^ a b Baers, Michael (2022-10-10). A History of the Western Sahara Conflict: The Paper Desert. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp. 146–147. ISBN 978-1-5275-8573-7.
  141. ^ Abourabi, Yousra (2024-05-13). Morocco's Africa Policy: Role Identity and Power Projection. Brill. pp. 59–60. ISBN 978-90-04-54662-2.
  142. ^ Sadiqi, Fatima (2003). Women, Gender, and Language in Morocco. Brill. p. 92. ISBN 978-90-04-12853-8.
  143. ^ a b Elliott, Katja Žvan (2018-10-26). "Morocco: Ongoing Struggle for More Representation". In Franceschet, Susan; Krook, Mona Lena; Tan, Netina (eds.). The Palgrave Handbook of Women's Political Rights. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 223–224. ISBN 978-1-137-59074-9.
  144. ^ Sadiqi, Fatima (2003). Women, Gender, and Language in Morocco. Brill. p. 22. ISBN 978-90-04-12853-8.
  145. ^ Lamrabet, Asma (2018-05-02). Women and Men in the Qur'ān. Springer International Publishing. p. 27. ISBN 978-3-319-78741-1.
  146. ^ Ennaji, Moha; Sadiqi, Fatima (2008-02-07). "Morocco: Language, Nationalism, and Gender". In Simpson, Andrew (ed.). Language and National Identity in Africa. Oxford University Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-19-928674-4.
  147. ^ Sadiqi, Fatima (2013-09-13). "The Central Role of the Family Law in the Moroccan Feminist Movement". In Salhi, Zahia Smail (ed.). Gender and Diversity in the Middle East and North Africa. Vol. 35. Routledge. pp. 325–337. ISBN 978-1-317-98907-3. JSTOR 20455613.
  148. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 237
  149. ^ Salime, Zakia (2009-12-28). "Revisiting the Debate on Family Law In Morocco: Context, Actors and Discourses". In Cuno, Kenneth M.; Desai, Manisha (eds.). Family, Gender, and Law in a Globalizing Middle East and South Asia. Syracuse University Press. p. 151. ISBN 978-0-8156-5148-2.
  150. ^ Lauzière 2015, p. 177
  151. ^ Bensoussan, Georges (2019-03-04). Jews in Arab Countries: The Great Uprooting. Indiana University Press. p. 440. ISBN 978-0-253-03858-6.
  152. ^ Gottreich, Emily Benichou (2020-02-20). Jewish Morocco: A History from Pre-Islamic to Postcolonial Times. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 155. ISBN 978-1-83860-361-8.
  153. ^ Elbaz, Vanessa Paloma (2021-07-27). "A Common Language: Popular Music in Morocco". In Chetrit, Joseph; Gerber, Jane S.; Arussy, Drora (eds.). Jews and Muslims in Morocco: Their Intersecting Worlds. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. p. 191. doi:10.17863/CAM.84187. ISBN 978-1-7936-2493-2.
  154. ^ Boum, Aomar (2018-06-01). ""Curating the Mellah": Cultural Conservation, Jewish Heritage Tourism, and Normalization Debates in Morocco and Tunisia, 1960s–2017". In Abi-Mershed, Osama (ed.). Social Currents in North Africa: Culture and Governance after the Arab Spring. Oxford University Press. p. 198. doi:10.1093/oso/9780190876036.003.0010. ISBN 978-0-19-093496-5.
  155. ^ Heckman, Alma Rachel (2020-11-24). The Sultan's Communists: Moroccan Jews and the Politics of Belonging. Stanford University Press. p. 161. ISBN 978-1-5036-1414-7.
  156. ^ Mogilski 2006, p. 54
  157. ^ Schriber 2024, p. 367
  158. ^ a b c d e f Schriber 2024, p. 374
  159. ^ "Allal al-Fassi - Philosophers of the Arabs". www.arabphilosophers.com. Retrieved 2024-11-19.
  160. ^ a b c d e Mogilski 2006, pp. 96–98
  161. ^ Schriber 2024, p. 352
  162. ^ Boutieri 2016, p. 256
  163. ^ Hashas, Mohammed (2024-11-04). "Rabat School of Thought: Tradition, Modernity, and Critique from the Edge". In Hashas, Mohammed (ed.). Contemporary Moroccan Thought: On Philosophy, Theology, Society, and Culture. Brill. p. 57. ISBN 978-90-04-51953-4.
  164. ^ Sirriyeh, Elizabeth (2014-01-09). Sufis and Anti-Sufis: The Defence, Rethinking and Rejection of Sufism in the Modern World. Routledge. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-136-81269-9.
  165. ^ Fenner 2023, pp. 165–166
  166. ^ Baker, Alison (1998-01-15). Voices of Resistance: Oral Histories of Moroccan Women. State University of New York Press. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-7914-9566-7.
  167. ^ Wyrtzen 2016, p. 243
  168. ^ Boum, Aomar; Park, Thomas K. (2016-06-02). Historical Dictionary of Morocco. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. p. 186. ISBN 978-1-4422-6297-3.
  169. ^ Pennell 2000, p. 277
  170. ^ Fenner 2023, p. 167
  171. ^ Boutieri 2016, pp. 54–55

Sources

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]

Media related to Allal al-Fassi at Wikimedia Commons